TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.

MONTICELLO, Aug. 26, 99.

DEAR SIR,—I am deeply impressed with the importance of Virginia & Kentucky pursuing the same track at the ensuing sessions of their legislatures. Your going thither furnishes a valuable opportunity of effecting it, and as mr. Madison will be at our assembly as well as yourself, I thought it important to procure a meeting between you. I therefore wrote you to propose to him to ride to this place on Saturday or Sunday next; supposing that both he and yourself might perhaps have some matter of business at our court, which might render it less inconvenient for you to be here together on Sunday. I took for granted that you would not set off to Kentuckey pointedly at the time you first proposed, and hope and strongly urge your favoring us with a visit at the time proposed. Mrs. Madison, who was the bearer of my letter, assured me I might count on mr. M.'s being here. Not that I mentioned to her the object of my request, or that I should propose the same to you, because, I presume, the less said of such a meeting the better. I shall take care that Monroe shall dine with us. In hopes of seeing you, I bid you affectionately adieu.

TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS.

MONTICELLO, Sep. 5, 99.

DEAR SIR, Yours of Aug. 30th 99 came duly to hand. It was with great regret we gave up the hope of seeing you here, but could not but consider the

obstacle as legitimate. I had written to mr. M. as I had before informed you, and had stated to him some general ideas for consideration & consultation when we should meet. I thought something essentially necessary to be said, in order to avoid the inference of acquiescence; that a resolution or declaration should be passed, 1, answering the reasonings of such of the states as have ventured into the field of reason, & that of the Committee of Congress, taking some notice too of those states who have either not answered at all, or answered without reasoning. 2, making firm protestation against the precedent & principle, & reserving the right to make this palpable violation of the federal compact the ground of doing in future whatever we might now rightfully do, should repetitions of these and other violations of the compact render it expedient. 3, expressing in affectionate & conciliatory language our warm attachment to union with our sister states, & to the instrument & principles by which we are united; that we are willing to sacrifice to this everything but the rights of selfgovernment in those important points which we have never yielded, & in which alone we see liberty, safety, & happiness; that not at all disposed to make every measure of error or of wrong, a cause of scission, we are willing to look on with indulgence, & to wait with patience till those passions & delusions shall have passed over, which the federal government have artfully excited to cover its own abuses & conceal it's designs, fully confident that the good sense of the American people, and their attachment to those very

rights which we are now vindicating, will, before it shall be too late, rally with us round the true principles of our federal compact. This was only meant to give a general idea of the complexion & topics of such an instrument. Mr. M. who came, as had been proposed, does not concur in the reservation proposed above; and from this I recede readily, not only in deference to his judgment, but because as we should never think of separation but for repeated and enormous violations, so these, when they occur, will be cause enough of themselves.

To these topics, however, should be added animadversions on the new pretensions to a common law of the U.S. I proposed to mr. M. to write to you, but he observed that you knew his sentiments so perfectly from a former conference, that it was unnecessary. As to the preparing anything, I must decline it, to avoid suspicions (which were pretty strong in some quarters on the last occasion), and because there remains still (after their late loss) a mass of talents in Kentucky sufficient for every purpose. The only object of the present communication is to procure a concert in the general plan of action, [as it is extremely desirable that Virginia and Kentucky should pursue the same track on this occasion.] Besides, how could you better while away the road from hence to Kentucky, than in meditating this very subject, and preparing something yourself, than whom nobody will do it better. The loss of your brother, and the visit of the apostle Marshal to Kentucky, excite anxiety,

1 Part in brackets not in letter press copy.

However, we doubt not that his poisons will be effectually counterworked. Wishing you a pleasant journey & happy return, I am with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend & servant.

TO JAMES THOMSON CALLENDER.1

MONTICELLO, Sept. 6, '99.

SIR, By a want of arrangement in a neighbouring post-office during the absence of the postmaster, my letters and papers for two posts back were detained. I suppose it was owing to this that your letter tho' dated Aug. 10. did not get to my hand till the last day of the month, since which this is the first day I can through the post office acknowledge the receipt of it. Mr. Jefferson happens to be here and directs. his agent to call on you with this and pay you 50 dollars, on account of the book you are about to publish. When it shall be out be so good as to send me 2. or 3. copies, and the rest only when I shall ask for them.

The violence which was meditated against you lately has excited a very general indignation in this part of the country. Our state from it's first plantation has been remarkable for it's order and submission to the laws. But three instances are recollected in it's history of an organized opposition to the laws. The first was Bacon's Rebellion; the 2d. our revolution; the 3d. the Richmond association who, by their committee, have in the public papers avowed their purpose of taking out of the hands of the law the 1 From the New York Evening Post, Oct. 11, 1802.

function of declaring who may or may not have free residence among us. But these gentlemen miscalculate the temper and force of this country extremely if they supposed there would have been a want of either to support the authority of the laws and equally mistake their own interests in setting the example of club-law. Whether their self-organized election of a committee, and publication of their manifesto, be such overt acts as bring them within the pale of law; the law I presume is to decide: and there it is our duty to leave it. The delivery of Robbins to the British excites much feeling and enquiry here. With every wish for your welfare I am with great regard sir Your most obedient servt.

MONTICELLO, Oct. 6, 99.
I did

SIR, On receiving your favor of Sept. 29, believe it would be in my power to answer you satisfactorily on both the points on which you asked information. I knew indeed that I had not made any particular memorandum of the sum which the C' de Vergennes supposed a treaty with the Porte would cost; but I expect that I had mentioned it either in my letter on the subject to Mr. Jay, or in that to Mr. Adams my colleague in the Barbary negociations. After a very long search yesterday I found both letters, but in neither have I stated any particular sum. They are of May 1786, and only say generally that in

1 From the New York Evening Post, Oct. 11, 1802.