I make no

supposed mine to be generally known. secret of them on the contrary I wish them known to avoid the imputation of those which are not mine. You may remember perhaps that in the year 1783. after the close of the war there was a general idea that a convention would be called in this state to form a constitution. In that expectation I then prepared a scheme of constitution which I meant to have proposed. This is bound up at the end of the Notes on Virginia, which being in many hands, I may venture to refer to it as giving a general view of my principles of government. It particularly shews what I think on the question of the right of electing & being elected, which is principally the subject of your letter. I found it there on a year's residence in the country; or the possession of property in it, or a year's enrollment in it's militia. When the constitution of Virginia was formed I was in attendance at Congress. Had I been here I should probably have proposed a general suffrage: because my opinion has always been in favor of it. Still I find very honest men who, thinking the possession of some property necessary to give due independence of mind, are for restraining the elective franchise to property. I believe we may lessen the danger of buying and selling votes, by making the number of voters too great for any means of purchase: I may further say that I have not observed men's honesty to increase with their riches. I observe however in the same scheme of a constitution, an abridgment of the right of being

elected, which after 17. years more of experience & reflection, I do not approve. It is the incapacitation of a clergyman from being elected. The clergy, by getting themselves established by law, & ingrafted into the machine of government, have been a very formidable engine against the civil and religious V rights of man. They are still so in many countries & even in some of these United States. Even in 1783, we doubted the stability of our recent measures for reducing them to the footing of other useful callings. It now appears that our means were effectual. The clergy here seem to have relinquished all pretension to privilege and to stand on a footing with lawyers, physicians &c. They ought therefore to possess the same rights.

I have with you wondered at the change of political principles which has taken place in many in this state however much less than in others. still more alarmed to see, in the other states, the general political dispositions of those to whom is confided the education of the rising generation. Nor are all the academies of this state free from grounds of uneasiness. I have great confidence in the common sense of mankind in general: but it requires a Į great deal to get the better of notions which our tutors have instilled into our minds while incapable of questioning them, & to rise superior to antipathies strongly rooted. However, I suppose when the evil rises to a certain height, a remedy will be found, if the case admits any other than the prudence of parents and guardians. The candour & good sense

of your letter made it a duty in me to answer it, & to confide that no uncandid use will be made of the answer & particularly that it be kept from the newspapers, a bear-garden field into which I do not chuse to enter. I am with esteem sir, your most obedient servant.

TO JAMES MADISON.

J.MSS.

MONTICELLO, Sep. 17. 1800.

DEAR SIR, I now send by Bp. Madison the balance which should have gone from our last court by mr. Barber but not seeing him the first day of the court, & that breaking up on the first day, contrary to usage, & universal expectation, mr. Barber was gone before I knew that fact. Is it not strange the public should have no information of the proceedings & prospects of our envoys in a case so vitally interesting to our commerce? that at a time. when, as we suppose, all differences are in a course of amicable adjustment, Truxton should be fitted out with double diligence that he may get out of court before the arrival of a treaty, & shed more human blood merely for the pleasure of shedding it ?—I have a letter from Mr. Butler in which he supposes that the Republican vote of N. Carolina will be but a bare majority. Georgia he thinks will be unanimous with the Republicans; S. C. unanimous either with them or against them: but not certainly which. Dr. Rush & Burr give favorable accounts of Jersey. Granger & Burr even count with confidence on Con

necticut. But that is impossible. The revolution there indeed is working with very unexpected rapidity. Before another Congressional election it will probably be complete. There is good reason to believe Massachusetts will increase her republican vote in Congress, & that Levi Lincoln will be one. will be a host in himself; being undoubtedly the ablest & most respectable man of the Eastern states. Health, respect & affection.

He

TO JAMES MONROE.

MON. MSS.

MONTICELLO Sep. 20. 1800.

DEAR SIR, Mr. Craven, who was here at the receipt of your favor of the 15th & will probably be here a week longer, desires me to inform you that he communicates by this day's post, your terms to Mr. Darrelle, and that he is thoroughly persuaded he will accede to them. He is very anxious you should retain the lands for Darrelle, who is his father in law, and whose removal into the neighborhood is therefore much wished for by him.

Where to stay the hand of the executioner is an important question. Those who have escaped from the immediate danger, must have feelings which would dispose them to extend the executions. Even here, where every thing has been perfectly tranquil, but where a familiarity with slavery, and a possibility of danger from that quarter prepare the general mind for some severities, there is a strong sentiment that there has been hanging enough. The other states &

the world at large will forever condemn us if we indulge a principle of revenge, or go one step beyond absolute necessity. They cannot lose sight of the rights of the two parties, & the object of the unsuccessful one. Our situation is indeed a difficult one: for I doubt whether these people can ever be permitted to go at large among us with safety. To reprieve them and keep them in prison till the meeting of the legislature will encourge efforts for their release. Is there no fort & garrison of the state or of the Union, where they would be confined, & where the presence of the garrison would preclude all ideas of attempting a rescue. Surely the legislature would pass a law for their exportation, the proper measure on this & all similar occasions? I hazard these thoughts for your own consideration only, as I should be unwilling to be quoted in the case; you will doubtless hear the sentiments of other persons & places, and will thence be enabled to form a better judgment on the whole than any of us singly & in a solitary situation. Health, respect & affection.

TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH.

J. MSS.

MONTICELLO, Sep. 23, 1800.

DEAR SIR, I have to acknolege the receipt of your favor of Aug. 22, and to congratulate you on the healthiness of your city. Still Baltimore, Norfolk & Providence admonish us that we are not clear of our new scourge. When great evils happen, I am in the habit of looking out for what good may arise