timable blessing, nevertheless peace itself or compromise of any sort would be worse than all the ravages of war, if the enemies of our Government should so far prevail as to give the leading character to public opinion, or to a national policy; because such a state of things would separate us from the sympathies of Christendom, and bring down upon us the curses of every civilized community in Europe, in Asia, in Australia, and in the "Isles of the sea;" because the course of events has brought us to a crisis that is ultimate, beyond which there is no issue for which any party can make a stand in behalf of any idea that enfolds a hopeful future; and therefore better for us to perish now in the struggle for the eternal right than to experience the degradation of inglorious life, or the pangs of a lingering death, under that reign of terror which the enemies of our banner would be sure to inaugurate.

Resolved, That as Christian men we recognize the truly righteous character of this conflict; that while it may be properly regarded as a war for our nationality, or a war for the life of a constitutional Government, or for the maintenance of our flag, or as a war for the rights of the people against the usurpations of an oligarchy; nevertheless, beyond all these aims, we recognize the existence of a war waged for the absolute supremacy of a despotic earthly power on the one hand, against the rightful dominion of our Lord Jesus Christ, whose kingdom guarantees the inalienable and universal rights of our redeemed humanity, on the other.

Resolved, That, in view of the death of our Lord and Saviour for men of every rank and class, of every nation, tribe, “kith or kin,” we regard the brotherhood of man, the moral and spiritual equality of all the races of men, as an essential doctrine of the Christian religion; that it rests like a sure corner-stone upon the foundation that God hath laid in Zion; that whosoever falleth upon that stone shall be broken; but upon whomsoever it shall fall it will grind him to powder.

Resolved, That in the patriotic devotion of the Christian women of our land we hail a "sign of the times" propitious of success, and while we remember that for many centuries in Europe the virtues of Christian womanhood have been a great barrier against the triumphs of Anti-Christian barbarism, we commend the cause of our country in its day of peril to the prayers and cooperation of the mothers and daughters of Israel, and to the cherished sympathies of every household.

Resolved, That we cherish a profound regard for the thousands of our brethren within the bounds of the Southern States who are loyal to the Government for which their fathers, as well as ours, sacrificed blood and treasure, and transmitted to all as a common heritage; and while many of them may have been deceived by prevailing misrepresentations in respect to the sentiments we cherish towards them, and while all of them are prevented from realizing

in action their personal convictions of truth and duty, we extend to them the assurances of our fraternal confidence and of our continuance in prayer that God would soon appear for their deliverance, so that the bonds which have united us in former days may be strengthened by the fiery trials through which they shall have passed.

Resolved, That the Churches connected with this Association be requested to set apart the last Friday of June as a day of solemn humiliation and prayer for the reestablishment of our National Union in peace and prosperity.

Doc. 23.

SECOND RHODE ISLAND REGIMENT. THE following are the principal officers of the Second Regiment :

John Slocum, Colonel; C. S. Robbins, Lientenant-Colonel Sullivan Ballou, Major; Sam'l J. Smith, Adjutant; Albert Eddy, (Second Lieutenant) Acting Adjutant; Jaines Aborn, Quartermaster; Francis L. Wheaton, Surgeon; Rev. Mr. Jamison, Chaplain.

CAPTAINS AND COMPANIES.

Co. A-Cyrus Dyer. Co. B-John Right. Co. C-Wm. Viall. Co. D-W. H. Steere. Co. E-Isaac P. Rodman. Co. F-Levi Tower. Co. G-Nathan Goff, Jr. Co. H-Chas. W. Greene. Co. I-Samuel J. Smith. Co. K Chas. Turner. -N. Y. Evening Post, June 20.

Doc. 24.

LETTER OF CORNELIUS VANDERBILT.

NEW YORK, May 14, 1861. DEAR SIR:-Being informed that you are about making a visit to Washington, I take the liberty of asking the favor of you to lay before the Government the enclosed proposition, which I addressed to the Hon. Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy, under date of the 20th ultimo. To this proposition I have received no reply, and I attribute this to the multiplicity of business which has engrossed the attention of the department. You are authorized to renew this proposition, with such additions thereto as are hereinafter set forth. I feel a great desire that this Government should have the steamer "VANDERBILT," as she is acknowledged to be as fine a ship as floats the ocean, and, in consequence of her great speed and capacity, that, with a proper armament, she would be of more efficient service in keeping our coast clear of piratical vessels than any other ship. Therefore, you are authorized to say, in my behalf, that the Government can take this ship at a valuation to be determined by the Hon. Robert F. Stockton, of New Jersey, (the only Ex-Commodore of the Navy,) and any two Commodores in the service, to be selected by the Government; and if this will but answer

will the Government accept her as a present from their humble servant?

The Atlantic and Pacific Steamship Company have authorized me, as their President, to offer to this Governinent the following steamers, viz.:

The Ocean Queen, of 2,502 tons, is new and complete in every respect.

The Ariel, 1,300 tons, in fine condition. The new iron steamship Champion, built in 1859, 1,420 tons, drawing a very light draught of water, say 7 feet, light, and 12 feet, deep laden-carries sufficient coal to run her 25 days.

try, and guide it and direct it; maintaining that it is dangerous for the labor of the country to enter into the legislation of the country. This, gentlemen, is the principle that has characterized the revolution that has been inaugurated in the South; they maintaining that those who are to have the privilege of voting ought to be of the educated class, and that the legislation ought not to be represented by the laboring classes.

Also the steamer Daniel Webster, 1,035 tons, drawing a draught of water, say 10 feet, laden.

ON June 20, Mr. Pierpont was inaugurated Governor of Virginia by the Convention in session at Wheeling. He made the following address:

GENTLEMEN OF THE CONVENTION: I return to you my sincere thanks for this mark of your confidence, in placing me in the most critical and trying position in which any man could be placed at the present time.

This day and this event mark a period in the history of constitutional liberty. They mark a period in American history. For more than three-quarters of a century our Government has proceeded, in all the States and in all the Territories upon which our fathers erected it namely, upon the intelligence of the people; and that in the people resides all power, and that from them all power must emanate.

A new doctrine has been introduced by those who are at the head of the revolution in our Southern States-that the people are not the source of all power. Those promulgating this doctrine have tried to divide the people into two classes: the one they call the laboring class, the other the capital class. They have for several years been industriously propagating the idea that the capital of the country ought to represent the legislation of the coun

citizens in the eastern part of the State have not been consulted upon that subject.

American institutions lie near to the heart of the masses of the people, all over this country, from one end of it to the other, though not as nearly perhaps in Louisiana, Georgia, and Texas, as in some of the Western and Northern States.

This idea has been covertly advanced only in portions of Virginia. She has stood firm by the doctrines of the fathers of the Revolution up to within a very short period. Its propagators have attempted to force it upon us by terror and at the point of the bayonet. We have been driven into the position we occupy to-day, by the usurpers at the South, who have inaugurated this war upon the soil of Virginia, and have made it the great Crimea of this contest. We, representing the loyal citizens of Virginia, have been bound to assume the position we have assumed to-day, for the protec tion of ourselves, our wives, our children, and our property. We, I repeat, have been driven to assume this position; and now we are but recurring to the great fundamental principle of our fathers, that to the loyal people of a State belongs the law-making power of that State. The loyal people are entitled to the government and governmental authority of the State. And, fellow-citizens, it is the assumption of that authority upon which we are now about to enter.

It will be for us by firmness, and by prudence, by wisdom, by discretion, in all our acts, to inaugurate every step we take for the purpose of restoring law and order to this ancient Commonwealth; to mark well our steps, and to implore the Divine wisdom and direction of Him that ruleth above, who has every hair of our heads numbered, and who suffereth not a sparrow to fall unnoticed to the ground, and His guidance and direction in enabling us to carry out the great work we have undertaken here, in humility, but with decision and determination,

With these remarks I thank you again for the honor you have conferred upon me, and promise you that I will do the best I can in

administering your wishes, and in trying to carry out the great object we have been working for here, and for which we expect to work for some time to come. I thank you, gentlemen. (Great applause.)

The following is the oath taken by the newly-elected State officers:

"I solemnly swear (or affirm) that I will support the Constitution of the United States and the laws made in pursuance thereof, as the supreme law of the land, any thing in the Constitution and laws of the State of Virginia, or in the ordinances of the Convention which assembled in Richmond on the 13th day of February last, to the contrary notwithstanding, and that I will uphold and defend the Government of Virginia as vindicated and restored by the Convention which assembled in Wheeling on the 11th day of June, 1861."

Doc. 26.

SECOND NEW HAMPSHIRE REGIMENT.

THE following are the officers of the regi

ment:

Colonel, Gilman Marston, of Exeter; Lieut.Col., Frank S. Fiske, of Keene; Major, Jonah Stevens, Jr., of Concord; Adjutant, Samuel G. Langley, of Manchester; Surgeon, George H. Hubbard, of Washington, N. H.; Quartermaster, John S. Godfrey, of Hampton Falls, N. H.; Quartermaster-Sergeant, Perkins, of Concord; Sergeant-Major, Gordon, of Manchester; Commissary-Sergeant, Cook, of Claremont.

The following are the officers of the several companies:

Co. A, of Keene-Capt., Tileston A. Baker; 1st Lieut., Henry N. Metcalf; 2d Lieut., H. B. Titus. Co. B, of Concord-Capt., Samuel G. Griffin; 1st Lient., Charles W. Walker; 2d Lieut., A. W. Colby. Co. C, of ManchesterCapt., James W. Carr; 1st Lieut., James H. Platt; 2d Lieut., S. O. Burnham. Co. D, of Dover-Capt., Hiram Rollins; 1st Lieut., Samuel P. Sayles; 2d Lieut., W. H. Parmenter. Co. E, of Concord-Capt., Leonard Brown; 1st Lieut., Wm. H. Smith; 2d Lieut., A. I. P. Thompson. Co. F, of Littleton-Capt., Thomas Snow; 1st Lieut., Joshua F. Littlefield; 2d Lieut., Harrison D. F. Young. Co. G, of Peterborough-Capt., Ephraim Weston; 1st Lieut., Everts W. Farr; 2d Lieut., Sylvester Rogers. Co. H, of Great Falls-Capt., Ichabod Pearl; 1st Lieut., W. N. Patterson; 2d Lieut., William H. Prescott. Co. I, of Manchester-Capt., Edward L. Bailey; 1st Lieut., Samuel G. Langley; 2d Lieut., Joseph A. Hubbard. Co. K, of Portsmouth-Capt., W. O. Sides; 1st Lieut., John S. Godfrey; 2d Lieut., John S. Sides. Rev. Henry C. Baker, of Concord, accompanied the regiment as Chaplain.

-Boston Transcript, June 20.

Doc. 27.

TWENTY-NINTH REGIMENT N. Y. S. V. THE following are the names of the officers: Field and Staff-Colonel, Adolph Von Steinwehr; Lieutenant-Colonel, Clemens Soest; Major, William B. Wainwright; Adjutant, Gustav Von Zschueschen; Surgeon, Dr. C. Neubaus; Assistant-Surgeon, C. H. Osborne; Quartermaster, Livingston Rogers.

Co. A-Captain, H. Warnecke; First Lientenant, C. V. Shultz; Second Lieutenant, H. Klein." Co. B-Captain, Charles Weinhold; First Lieutenant, A. Ingmann; Second Lieutenant, F. Von Schluembach. Co. C—Captain, G. A. Seidel; First Lieutenant, John Witterman; Second Lieutenant, Charles Chelius. Co. D-Captain, Gustav Meiser; First Lieutenant, vacant; Second Lieutenant, J. Stolpe. Co. E -Captain, H. Von Nostitz; First Lieutenant,

Von Francois; Second Lieutenant, L. Haack. Co. F-Captain, Charles Berne; First Lieutenant, D. Metzzer; Second Lieutenant,

Propping. Co. G-Captain, N. Gullman ; First Lieutenant, A. Von Schluembach; Second Lieutenant, A. Kaldt. Co. H-Captain, Chas. Bockwood, First Lieutenant, L. Schirmer; Second Lieutenant, J. Dieckman. Co. I-Captain, Ad. Eckel; First Lieutenant, Oscar Von Mensel; Second Lieutenant, H. Dirks. Co. K— Captain, A. Prahl; First Lieutenant, Charles J. Eisner; Second Lieutenant, Herzog. SEVENTEENTH REGIMENT N. Y. S. V. THE following is a list of the officers: Field.-Colonel, H. Seymour Lansing; Lieutenant-Colonel, Thomas F. Morris; Major, Chas.

A. Johnson.

Staff-Adjutant, J. Brainerd Taylor; Surgeon, J. C. Stewart; Quartermaster, Gardiner Spring Hawes; Assistant-Surgeon, A. B. Shipman; Chaplain, Thomas G. Carver.

Line.-Co. A-Captain, Charles A. Smith; First Lieutenant, George Reynolds; Ensign, Romeyn Bogardus. Co. B-Captain, Nelson B. Bartram; First Lieutenant, John Tickers; Ensign, Charles Hilbert. Co. C-Captain, John W. Lyon; First Lieutenant, Micah P. Kelly; Ensign, Charles Everdell. Co. DCaptain, William C. Grower; First Lieutenant, Benjamin Seaward; Ensign, John Burleigh. Co. E-Captain, Charles G. Stone; First Lieutenant, George C. Soren; Ensign, John F. McCann. Co. F-Captain, Franklin J. Davis; Ensign, William Mattocks. Co. G-Captain, James H. Demarest; First Lieutenant, Luther Caldwell; Ensign, L. C. Mabey. Co. H– Captain, James Tyrrell; First Lieutenant, Joel C. Martin; Ensign. Elias P. Pellet. Co. I— Captain, Andrew Wilson; First Lieutenant, Isaac M. Lusk; Ensign, Augustus M. Proteus. Co. K-Captain, Gideon K. Jenkins; First Lieutenant, Howard H. Dudley; Ensign, Alvin M. Whaley.

Non-Commissioned Staff.- Sergeant-Major, Herbert H. Hall; Quartermaster-Sergeant, Jo

seph Foley; Drum-Major,

Major, Irwin; Hospital Steward, Harvey

W. Benson.

-New York Herald, June 22.

Doo. 28.

EAST-TENNESSEE UNION CONVENTION. THE Convention assembled at Greenville, Tennessee. It was presided over by the Hon. T. A. R. Nelson, and was addressed with great effect by Senator Johnson. The resolutions adopted, which were preceded by an admirably-written preamble, are as follows:

1. That the evils which now afflict our beloved country, in our opinion, are the legitimate offspring of the ruinous and heretical doctrine of secession; that the people of East Tennessee have ever been and we believe still are opposed to it by a very large majority.

2. That while the country is now upon the very threshold of a most ruinous and desolating civil war, it may with truth be said, and we protest before God, that the people (so far as we can see) have done nothing to produce it.

3. That the people of Tennessee, when the question was submitted to them in February last, decided, by an overwhelming majority, that the relations of the State toward the Federal Government should not be changed-thereby expressing their preference for the Union and Constitution under which they had lived prosperously and happily, and ignoring, in the most emphatic manner, the idea that they had been oppressed by the General Government in any of its acts-legislative, executive, or judicial.

4. That in view of so decided an expression of the will of the people, in whom "all power is inherent, and on whose authority all free Governments are founded," and in the honest conviction that nothing has transpired since that time which should change that deliberate judgment of the people, we have contemplated with peculiar emotions the pertinacity with which those in authority have labored to override the judgment of the people, and to bring about the very result which the people themselves had so overwhelmingly condemned.

5. That the Legislative Assembly is but the creature of the Constitution of the State, and has no power to pass any law, or to exercise any act of sovereignty, except such as may be authorized by that instrument, and believing, as we do, that in their recent legislation the General Assembly have disregarded the rights of the people, and transcended their legitimate powers, we feel constrained, and we invoke the people throughout the State, as they value their liberties, to visit that hasty, inconsiderate, and unconstitutional legislation with a decided rebuke, by voting, on the eighth day of next month, against both the act of "secession," and of union with the "Confederate States."

6. That the Legislature of the State, without having first obtained the consent of the people,

7. That the forming of such "military league," and thus practically assuming the attitude of an enemy toward the General Government, (this, too, in the absence of any hostile demonstration against this State,) has afforded the pretext for raising, arming, and equipping a large military force, the expense of which must be enormous, and will have to be paid by the people. And to do this, the taxes, already onerous enough, will necessarily have to be very greatly increased, and probably to an extent beyond the ability of the people to pay.

8. That the General Assembly, by passing a law authorizing the volunteers to vote wherever they may be on the day of election, whether in or out of the State, and in offering to the "Confederate States" the capitol of Tennessee, together with other acts, have exercised powers and stretched their authority to an extent not within their constitutional limits, and not justified by the usages of the country.

9. "That Government being instituted for the common benefit, the doctrine of non-resistance against arbitrary power and oppression is absurd, slavish, and destructive of the good and happiness of mankind."

10. That the position which the people of our sister State of Kentucky have assumed in this momentous crisis commands our highest admiration. Their interests are our intereststheir policy is the true policy, as we believe, of Tennessee and all the border States. And in the spirit of freemen, with an anxious desire to avoid the waste of the blood and the treasure of our State, we appeal to the people of Tennessee, while it is yet in their power, to come up in the majesty of their strength and restore Tennessee to her true position.

11. We shall await with the utmost anxiety the decision of the people of Tennessee, on the 8th day of next month, and sincerely trust that wiser counsels will pervade the great fountain of freedom (the people) than seems to have actuated their constituted agents.

On the fourth day of the session, (21st,) the Declaration of Grievances and Resolutions was adopted as follows, without division:

DECLARATION OF GRIEVANCES.

We, the people of East Tennessee, again assembled in a Convention of our Delegates, make the following declaration in addition to that heretofore promulgated by us at Knoxville, on the 20th and 31st days of May last:

So far as we can learn, the election held in this State on the 8th day of the present month,

was free, with but few exceptions, in no part of the State other than East Tennessee. In the larger parts of the Middle and West Tennessee, no speeches or discussions in favor of the Union were permitted. Union papers were not allowed to circulate. Measures were taken in some parts of West Tennessee, in defiance of the Constitution and laws, which allow folded tickets, to have the ballot numbered in such manner as to mark and expose the Union votes. A disunion paper, The Nashville Gazette, in urging the people to vote an open ticket, declared that "a thief takes a pocket-book or effects an entrance into forbidden places by stealthy means -a Tory, in voting, usually adopts pretty much the same course or procedure."

Disunionists, in many places, had charge of the polls, and Union men, when voting, were denounced as Lincolnites and Abolitionists. The unanimity of the votes in many large counties where, but a few weeks ago, the Union sentiment was so strong, proves beyond doubt that Union men were overawed by the tyranny of the military power and the still greater tyranny of a corrupt and subsidized press. In the City of Memphis, where 5,613 votes were cast, but five freemen had the courage to vote for the Union, and these were stigmatized in the public Press as "ignorant traitors, who opposed the popular edict." Our earnest appeal to our brethren in the other divisions of the State was published then only to a small extent, and the members and names of those who composed our Convention, as well as the counties they represented, were suppressed, and the effort made to impress the minds of the people that East Tenneseee was favorable to secession.

The Memphis Appeal, a prominent disunion paper, published a false account of our proceedings, under the head, "THE TRAITORS IN COUNCIL," and styled us, who represented every county but two in East Tennessee, "the little batch of disaffected traitors who hover round the noxious atmosphere of Andrew Johnson's home," Our meeting was telegraphed to The New Orleans Delta, and it was falsely said that we had passed a resolution recommending submission if 70,000 votes were not cast against secession, The despatch adds that "THE SOUTHERN RIGHTS MEN ARE DETERMINED TO HOLD POSSESSION OF THE STATE, THOUGH THEY SHOULD BE IN A MINORITY." Volunteers were allowed to vote in and out of the State in flagrant violation of the Constitution. From the moment the election was over, and before any detailed statement of the vote in the different counties had been published, and before it was possible to ascertain the result, it was exultingly proclaimed that separation had been carried by from 50,000 to 70,000 votes.

This was to prepare the public mind to enable "the secessionists to hold possession of the State, though they should be in a minority." The final result is to be announced by a disunion Governor, whose existence depends upon the success of secession, and no provision

is made by law for an examination of the vote by disinterested persons, or even for contesting the election. For these and other causes we do not regard the result of the election as expressive of the will of a majority of the freemen of Tennessee. Had the election every where been conducted as it was in East Tennessee we would entertain a different opinion. Here no effort was made to suppress secession papers, or prevent secession speeches or votes, although an overwhelming majority of the people were against secession. Here no effort has been made to prevent the formation of military companies, or obstruct the transportation of armies, or to prosecute those who violated the laws of the United States and of Tennessee against treason.

The Union men of East Tennessee, anxious to be neutral in the contest, were content to enjoy their own opinions, and to allow the utmost latitude of opinion and action to those who differed from them. Had the same toleration prevailed in other parts of the State, we have no doubt that a majority of our people would have voted to remain in the Union. But, if this view is erroneous, we have the same (and, as we think, a much better) right to remain in the Government of the United States than the other divisions of Tennessee have to secede from it.

We prefer to remain attached to the Government of our fathers. The Constitution of the United States has done us no wrong. The Congress of the United States has passed no law to oppress us. The President of the United States has made no threat against the lawabiding people of Tennessee. Under the Government of the United States we have enjoyed, as a nation, more of civil and religious freedom than any other people under the whole heaven. We believe there is no cause for rebellion or secession on the part of the people of Tennessee. None was assigned by the Legislature in their miscalled Declaration of Independence. No adequate cause can be assigned,

The Select Committee of that body asserted a gross and inexcusable falsehood in their address to the pcople of Tennessee, when they declared that the Government of the United States had made war upon them. The secession cause has thus far been sustained by deception and falsehood; by falsehoods as to the action of Congress; by false despatches as to battles that were never fought, and victories that were never won; by false accounts as to the purposes of the President; by false representations as to the views of Union men; and by false pretences as to the facility with which the secession troops would take possession of the capital and capture the highest officers of the Government,

The cause of secession or rebellion has no charms for us, and its progress has been marked by the most alarming and dangerous attacks upon the public liberty. In other States as well as our own, its whole course threatens to