ardson, with his brigade, was coming into line | your aid. We will help you expel from your of battle, facing Blackburn's Ford. His position was well chosen, and I turned my attention to the placing of Davies' brigade and the batteries. A part of Davies' command was placed in echellon of regiments, behind fences, in support of Richardson; another portion in reserve, in support of Hunt's and Titball's batteries. borders the population hostile to your rights and institutions, treating all such as enemies if found under arms. We will protect your peo ple from wrong at the hands of our army, and while we have every reason to believe that no violence will be done to the rights of your true hearted and loyal people, the General comre-manding begs to be informed if any case of wrong should occur. After completing these arrangements, I turned to Blenker's brigade, now near a mile from Centreville heights, took a regiment to cover Green's battery, and then returned to the heights. When I arrived there just before dusk, I found all my previous arrangements of defence had been changed nor could I ascertain who had ordered it, for Gen. McDowell was not on the field. Col. Richardson was the first person I spoke to after passing Capt. Fry; he was leading his regiment into line of battle on the crest of the hill, and directly in the way of the batteries in rear. It was here the conversation between the Colonel and myself took | place which he alludes to in his report. General McDowell just afterward came on to the field, and I appealed earnestly to him to permit me to command my division, and protested against the faulty disposition of the troops to resist an attack. He replied by taking command himself and relieving me. Col. Richardson states a conversation with Lieutenant-Colonel Stevens, of his command. I never saw Colonel Stevens to my knowledge. I never gave him, or any one, the order to deploy his column: the order must have emanated from some one else, and hence my misfortune; for on his impression that I was drunk, those not immediately connected with me rung it over the field, without inquiry or investigation. This is all that is proper for me to say at this time, as I have called for a court to investigate the whole transaction. Those who have read Richardson's report will confer a favor to compare this statement with it; the discrepancies are glaring, the errors by deductions apparent. L. S. MILES, Colonel Second Infantry. Doc. 139. GENERAL PILLOW'S PROCLAMATION, AT NEW MADRID, MO. TO THE PEOPLE OF MISSOURI: The forces under my command are your neighbors and friends, and we come at the instance and request of the Governor of your State as allies to protect you against tyranny and oppression. As Tennesseeans, we have deeply sympathized with you. When you were called to arms and manifested a determination to resist the usurper who has trampled under his feet the Constitution of the Government, and destroyed all the guards so carefully prepared for the protection of the liberties of the people by our fathers, and when you called for help, Tennessee sends her army, composed of her cherished sons, to To the gallant army under his command, who hold in their keeping the honor of Tennessee, though composed of Tennesseeans, Mississippians and Kentuckians, he appeals as a father to his children, to violate the rights of no peaceable citizens, but to guard the honor of Tennessee as you would that of an affectionate mother, cherishing you as her sons. The field for active service is before yon. Our stay here will be short. Our mission is to place our down-trodden sister on her feet, and to enable her to breathe after the heavy tread of the tyrant's foot. Then, by her own brave sons she will maintain her rights and protect her own fair women from the foe, whose forces march under banners inscribed with "Beauty and Booty" as the reward of victory. In victory, the brave are always merciful, but no quarter will be shown to troops marching under such a banner. In this view, and for these purposes, we call upon the people of Missouri to come to our standard, join our forces, and aid in their own liberation. If you would be freemen, you must fight for your rights. Bring such arms as you have. We will furnish ammunition, and lead you on to victory. That the just Ruler of nations is with us is manifested in the glorious victory with which our arms were crowned in the bloody field of Manassas. GIDEON J. PILLOW, General Commanding Doc. 140. GENERAL HURLBUT'S PROCLAMATION. LINE OF HANNIBAL AND ST. JOSEPH RAILROAD, THE General commanding on this line has now sufficient information to assure him that at all important points on this great road, there are persons of property and influence who can check these predatory bands, and he is determined that they shall. Divisions and sub-divisions will be made as soon as practicable, and portions of the road committed to the hands of responsible men, without reference to political opinions. As soon as this arrangement can be effected the troops under his command will be encamped at some central and convenient spot on the line of the road, and the care of the track, depots, bridges, and telegraph wires of the road committed to the local authorities; and after this is done, any neglect or connivance with marauding parties, resulting in injury, will be promptly and severely punished, as herein in- | greater results might have been achieved. In dicated. All persons, therefore, who have any respect for the property of others, and all who have any regard for their own, are required to lend their aid to this system of local protection. Injuries done to this road are simply injuries to private property, and in no manner check the power of the United States, as exerted in its military service, and instead of preventing the introduction of troops, will simply increase and continue the necessity for armed occupation of the country, and postpone still further the return of the community to peaceful and ordinary pursuits, which all good citizens must ardently desire. S. A. HURLBUT, Brigadier-Gen. U. S. A. Com. Line Doc. 1401. H. & St. J. R. R. THE CULINARY WANTS OF THE ARMY. REPORT OF MR. SANDERSON. To the Sanitary Commission of the United States: GENTLEMEN: In obedience to your orders, I proceeded, on the 13th inst., to the camp of the Fifteenth regiment New York Volunteers, Col. McLeod Murphy, by whom I was courteously received, and the culinary arrangements of the command at once placed under my direction. The various companies were found to be in a state of organization quite favorable for our instruction; and as a general thing the cooks quite prepared to receive it. On each day, the Colonel or one of the staff officers accompanied us on our inspection; in five days such improvement was effected in the mode of preparing their food, that not only was the evidence furnished by the openly expressed satisfaction of the soldier, but in the great and marked diminution of sickness and disease. On the 19th inst., his Excellency Governor Morgan and the Surgeon-General, Dr. Vanderpoel, were regaled by a collation composed exclusively of soldiers' rations, cooked in camp kettles over camp fires, and were fully satisfied, both as to the feasibility of my plan and its practical results-an opinion fully endorsed by the principal officers of the regiment, as evinced by the letter addressed by them to your Resident Secretary. The following week, the cook who had previously accompanied me, and to whom I was much indebted for many valuable suggestions and assistance, was obliged to return to New York, but another being at hand, I commenced instructing the company cooks of the 33d regiment New York Volunteers, and after five days' constant attendance, succeeded in producing most satisfactory results. In both of these regiments I received the hearty cooperation of the chief officers, including the Surgeons, and had the same regard been shown by the captains and subordinate officers, the 15th, some of the line officers did frequently exhibit some concern for the health and comfort of their respective commands, but in the 33d, with perhaps a single exception, but little thought of those matters appeared to trouble them. In but one company of either regiment did I find the material for a company fund, all the rest, if not entirely short, being very much straitened. In the case referred to, the man in charge had been a professed cook at home, and was consequently more proficient than his fellows. Having thus fulfilled my engagements to the State, and proven the perfect feasibility of my proposed reform, I must now rest on my laurels, and await further action on the part of those in authority. But before any beneficial effect can be lastingly produced, some glaring difficulties must be eradicated and removed. First of all, strict military discipline, both in the officer and the private, must be immediately introduced. Next, the gross ignorance on the part of the officers commanding companies, as to the minor details of their duty-in reference to the reception of rations, detailing company cooks, and men to carry water for them, order and regularity in the distribution of food, the proper policing of the kitchen and its vicinity, and their personal attention in the inspection of the food, redressing wrongs, and the establishment of order-must be reformed. Then, the ignorance and inefficiency of the quartermasters, in many cases unavoidable, in others clearly criminal, should be mitigated and checked. Suddenly placed in positions of great trust and responsibility, and laboring under the idea that their first duty is to themselves, they find themselves embarrassed by the multiplicity and variety of their employments, and while striving to increase their own profits, commensurately decrease the comfort of the soldier. A few examples of stringent punishment would effectually check the operations of these gentry. And lastly, the inexperience, improvidence, and ignorance of the private should be ameliorated and removed. All, with but few exceptions, totally unused to the preparation of food, find themselves unexpectedly charged with catering for a company seldom less than seventy persons. Unacquainted with the simplest principles of the art of cookery, and provided with the most primitive utensils and primeval means for employing them, they must necessarily find themselves much puzzled in producing wholesome or even palatable food from the material furnished them by regulation. With the most skilful cooks, to render these greasy compounds healthful and nutricious is difficult; and even in the regular ariny, grease and fat are predominant characteristics, in spite of their constant experience and practice. In amount the rations are of the most liberal character, and susceptible of much variation in seen that the Department would lose much of the hands of a skilful cook and an experienced its revenues; and publishers availing themquartermaster: but with the present organiza-selves of such modes of transmission, would setion of the volunteers, and the improvidence of those engaged as company cooks, it will be found an affair of great labor to instil into them either economy or a knowledge of their business, and the benefits to be attained from a company fund, or wholesome cooking, will hardly be available until the close of the war, if then. cure such an advantage over others sending their papers by mail, as to injure the circulation of the latter or drive them to the same means of transmission, and the result would be, that the express companies would become the rivals of the Post-Office Department, and deprive it of a large amount of its legitimate revenues, and to that extent defeat the object had in view by Congress of making the Department self-sustaining. This reasoning does not apply, however, to books of a permanent character, other than periodicals sent in boxes or packages to merchants and dealers. Very respectfully yours, JOHN H. REAGAN. To the President Southern Express Company. -Montgomery (Ala.) Advertiser, July 31. In the last report I had the honor to make to this commission, I suggested some changes and made some recommendation based on the impression that a thorough and positive reform was desired. Satisfied that such is not the case on the part of any of the constituted authorities, and quite convinced that nothing but the most insignificant changes will be countenanced by the powers that be, I would now modify my former views by gently intimating that the engagement of one good cook for each regiment might possibly be productive of some benefit. With many thanks for your powerful assistance THE and kindly coöperation, and trusting that the great reforms you meditate may ultimately receive that appreciation they merit, I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant, JAMES M. SANDERSON. WASHINGTON, D. C., July 29, 1861. Doc. 141. POSTMASTER-GENERAL'S DECISION. CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA, SIR: The legislation of the Government of the United States, so far as it relates to mailable matter and the rates of postage, and the mode of transmitting mail matter, has been substituted by the legislation of the Confederate States, and is thereby repealed. Newspapers and periodicals sent to ordinary subscribers for single copies, or for more than one copy, or to news-dealers, who send large orders to supply subscribers of their own, or the general trade within the limits of the delivery of post-offices, other than at the place of publication, are equally mailable matter, and cannot be sent by mail-carriers or expressmen, without the payment of postage. They cannot be carried, under our laws, as merchandise to supply subscribers or the regular trade, except through the mails or by express or other chartered companies, on the payment of the regular rates of postage. Doc. 142. DESIGNS OF THE NATIONALS, THEIR OBJECT BEING GRADUALLY AVOWED. THE cloven foot of the demon of abolition is fast being exposed, and every day brings to light some new fact going to show that the true animus of the Lincoln war upon the South is a desire to exterminate the institution of slavery. It has been comparatively but a short time since the wily Seward, speaking as the oracle of his party, proclaimed the doctrine of the "irrepressible conflict "at Rochester, prophesying the near approach of the millennium of abolitionism, when the soil of America would not be pressed by the foot of a slave. Subsequently, and but a few brief months back, Mr. Lincoln propagated the hieroglyphic thought that very soon "artificial weights would be lifted from the shoulders of all men." These authoritative utterances, emanating from men who occupy the highest official positions in their Government, can well be regarded as pregnant with significance. But later occurrences are not lacking to corroborate this construction of the motive of these bad men. Innumerable lesser lights are constantly developing the sentiment that pervades the public mind of the abolitionists, and their war cry seems with great unanimity to be, "down with slavery." Senator Dixon, of Connecticut, has proclaimed in a recent debate in the Congress of the United States, that if slavery stands in the way of the Union, "it must be abolished." Pomeroy, of Kansas, another member of that undignified congregation of petty legislators, introduced a bill the other day "to suppress the slaveholders' rebellion," containing a provision for the "abolition of slavery." Others have uttered sentiments quite as atrocious in relation to the subject. The object of our legislation was to declare what should be mailable matter, and to require postage to be paid on such matter, so as to secure a sufficiency of revenue to render the PostOffice Department self-supporting. If the law be so construed as to allow the transmission and delivery of papers by express companies or others, to subscribers or dealers at points other than the place of publication, at a cost less than This feeling is exhibiting itself, too, with rethe regular rates of postage, it will at once benewed energy among the old abolition agita "Settle it now! For so sure as hour follows after hour, so sure will the North never pause till the cause that brought the war on it is utterly extinguished. There can be no peace. There can be no compromise. It is war to the utter annihilation of slavery. The day of honeyed words has passed. The day of bloody deeds has come. And let those who do the fighting get the pay." tors, who but a few years since clamored loud- | the Indiana Journal, a leading Black-Republy for disunion, pronouncing the Federal Con- lican organ of that State, whose editor is said stitution "a league with hell and a covenant to be one of Lincoln's officials. It speaks trumwith death." Gerrit Smith, the patriarch of pet-tongued and without equivocation: them all, says that "both abolitionists and anti-abolitionists should petition the executive to proclaim the liberty of the slaves." Wendell Phillips is anxious to proclaim Mr. Lincoln "the liberator of four millions of bondsmen," and Boutwell, once governor of the State of Massachusetts, thinks that the present war will not terminate until the Lincoln Government asserts"in some way "the doctrine that "liberty is not the property of any race; that it is not the exclusive right of any class, but that it is the God-given right of all the sons of men —including of course the African race. This same incendiary concludes his tirade with the assumption "that this contest marches logically, philosophically, and inevitably toward the emancipation of this people; and the citizen at the ballot-box or statesman administering the government of this country, or general who guides its armies, who does not admit that as an inevitable result of this contest, misunderstands the events, and is doomed to disappointment and disgrace." The radical portion of the abolition press echo these infamous sentiments with the most scrupulous faithfulness. Chief among them we notice the New York Times, whose editor discourses eloquently against the South, since his recent ignominious flight from the battle-field of Manassas, where he had repaired to graphically describe the anticipated rout of the rebels. After his return home, and the collection of his scattered thoughts, he comes to the sage and deliberate conclusion that "there is one thing, and only one, at the bottom of the fight-and that is the negro." He thinks that both sections are attempting to deceive the country in the alleged excuses for their conduct-the South erring in the pretence of fighting for independence, and the North of fighting for the re-establishment of the Government. "They know," asserts the editor of the Times, "that until slavery changes its relation to Government and becomes its complete subject, instead of its arrogant master, the peace and safety of the republic are impossible." After moralizing on the sweet uses of adversity, as experienced in the late defeat, this editorial Thug concludes as follows: Such an array of proof from those in authority, from public orators, officials, and the press, shows unmistakably the growing tendency of northern sentiment. The current still flows on unchecked, gathering in swiftness and in volume, and under the auspices of a maddened fanaticism promises to sweep every vestige of human reason. The propagators of this war, in other words, intend it as a crusade upon the institution of slavery, and they are evidently looking forward to a future time when they will witness Mr. Seward's prophecy of its "ultimate extinguishment." -Memphis Appeal, July 31. Doc. 142. THE BILL TO PUNISH CONSPIRACY. THE following is the act to punish conspiracy, approved by the President of the United States, July 31: Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That if two or more persons within any State or Territory of the United States shall conspire together to overthrow, or to put down, or to destroy by force, the Government of the United States, or to levy war against the United States, or to oppose by force the authority of the Government of the United States, or by force to prevent, hinder, or delay the execution of any law of the United States, or by force to seize, take, or possess any property of the United States against the will or contrary to the authority of the United States; or by force, or intimidation, or threat to prevent any person from accepting or holding any office, or trust or place of confidence under the United States, each and every "We have an enemy to meet who has long person so offending shall be guilty of a high defied God and man- who has for genera- crime, and upon conviction thereof in any distions outraged justice and humanity-and who trict or circuit court of the United States havthreatens to extend over a whole continent the ing jurisdiction thereof, or district or supreme diabolism of his rule. Shall we strike the mon- court of any Territory of the United States ster where he is vulnerable? Shall we thrust having jurisdiction thereof, shall be punished in our spear where the cancer of his crime in- by a fine not less than five hundred dollars and vites to surgery? Shall we fight the devil not more than five thousand dollars; or by imwith fire,' according to the wisdom of the an-prisonment, with or without hard labor, as the cients? Let a paralyzed army and a reeling nation answer." As a further evidence of public opinion on this subject, we give the following extract from court shall determine, for a period not less Doc. 143. GOVERNMENT EMPLOYEES. REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE ON THEIR LOYALTY, THE Committee appointed to investigate, ascertain, and report to the House the number of persons, with the names thereof, now employed in the several departments of the Government who are known to entertain sentiments of hostility to the Government of the United States, and who have refused to take the oath to support the Constitution of the United States, beg leave to report in part to the House as follows: The Committee have given to the inquiry all the attention which their limited time and the pressure of other duties would allow, but have as yet scarcely advanced beyond its threshold. They have, however, examined a large number of witnesses, and have no hesitation in saying that the testimony adduced has been of such a character as to fully justify the action of the House in the premises, and to show the imperative necessity of the investigation which has been instituted. The Committee, though prepared to believe that the popular conviction in respect to the general unsoundness of the Departments in the particulars referred to was well founded, yet must confess that they have been astonished at the number and aggravation of the well-authenticated cases of disloyalty to the Government, which in the course of their investigation, have been brought to their notice. Doc. 144. GENERAL SCOTT'S ORDERS. HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY, General Orders No. 12.-Searches of houses for arms, traitors, or spies, and arrests of of fenders, in such matters, shall only be made in any department by the special authority of the commander thereof, excepting in extreme cases admitting of no delay. By command of LIEUT. GEN. SCOTT. HEAD-QUARTERS OF THE ARMY, General Orders No. 13.-It has been the prayer of every patriot that the tramp and din of civil war might at least spare the precincts within which repose the sacred remains of the Father of his Country; but this pious hope is disappointed. Mount Vernon, so recently consecrated anew to the immortal Washington by the Ladies of America, has already been overrun by bands of rebels, who, having trampled under foot the Constitution of the United States the ark of our freedom and prosperity -are prepared to trample on the ashes of him to whom we are all mainly indebted for those mighty blessings. Should the operations of war take the United States troops in that direction, the General inChief does not doubt that each and every man will approach with due reverence and leave uninjured, not only the Tomb, but also the House, the Groves, and Walks which were so loved by the best and greatest of men. By command: WINFIELD SCOTT. E. D. TOWNSEND, Asst. Adjt.-Gen. Doo. 145. SOURI. THE following address, reported and adopted in the Missouri State Convention on July 31st, derives additional interest from the fact that the Chairman of the Committee, and probably its sole author, was Judge Hamilton R. Gamble, who was on the same day elected by the Convention Governor of the State, in place of the traitor Claib. Jackson: That persons should be thus disloyal to a Government which has confided to them its sacred trusts, in whose employ they have found support for themselves and families, and to which their fidelity is due by every consideration which appeals not only to the honor of the public officer, but to the honesty of the man, ADDRESS TO THE PEOPLE OF MISand that such persons should be retained in office, and in some instances retained where the facts have been brought to the knowledge of those who have the power of removal, must be the occasion of profound grief and humiliation to every patriotic and loyal heart. And their retention in office, especially in the present critical condition of the Government, can be justified by no assumed necessity or convenience of the public service, and may well excite the honest indignation of the country. The Committee, while prepared to make these general statements, which are concurred in by every member of the Committee, find that it will be impossible to complete the work assigned to Since the adjournment of this Convention in them and make a report thereof within the March last, the most startling events have probable limits of present session. They there- rushed upon us with such rapidity that the nafore ask leave to sit during the recess of Con- tion stands astonished at the condition of anargress, and ask the adoption of the accompany-chy and strife to which, in so brief a period, it ing resolution. JOHN F. POTTER, Chairman. To the People of the State of Missouri:Your delegates assembled in Convention propose to address you upon the present condition of affairs within our State. has been reduced. When the Convention adjourned, although the muttering of the storm was heard, it seemed to be distant, and it was hoped that some quiet |