the bitter forecast was made that this probably meant Hughes for President, Roosevelt for Secretary of State, and both for war. am not German myself, I have not known many Germans; but our German-Americans seem to me to have been excellent citizens and to have shown themselves wonderfully patient and devoted under the bad treatment they and their mother country have been receiving. All attempts to prove them implicated in violence and treason. have proved fruitless-and only a few German citizens have done far less than might have been reasonably expected in the way of violence. Then why discriminate against our German-Americans, if the Republican party means justice to German-Americans here and to Germany abroad in case of Hughes's election?

The two policies from which we must choose-let us be clear on this matter-are Rhodes imperialism and America finally again subordinate to England in a map painted British red, or the United States still the Great Republic and leading the world by her example to a friendliness that enriches all by commerce instead of hate that impoverishes all, even the one who wins, by war. Rhodes and his imperialists realized that if his policies were not successful before 1920, including the alliance with the United States, the United States would become before 1920 the leading power of the world— as it has done. In this century just past, most strongly in the five years just past-when China, Portugal, South Africa, and Ireland. have tried to become republics-this world tendency toward American ideals is proved. We may still conquer the world in peace by our idealism, even England. Shall we disappoint the hopes of those who struggle, by ourselves giving up what has been our most precious acquisition and their star of hope? And is this change to be brought about by the secret machinations of a small group of our own interested officials against the will of the people? In the century that is past the British empire has waged almost perpetual wars for conquest and power, with the result that her people are the most poverty-stricken in western Europe, and according to her own statistics have degenerated greatly physically. Our splendid Canadian of Toronto, Mr. McDonald, tells as a peace argument how the men of his clan in Scotland have dwindled in size as a result of the wars of the empire-if we send out our young men into imperial wars we shall likewise attain riches for a few munitions makers and bankers now, but poverty and degeneration for the nation at large, and final extinction as a republic for all.

Will our presidential candidates make clear their position on foreign alliance and war? One profoundly wise suggestion on

what we should have instead of war was reported in the New York Times last spring, in an interview with Henry Ford, which was that we should spend one-fourth as much money as a war would cost us in trying to find out who gets up and disseminates this agitation for war. If either President Wilson or Mr. Hughes will announce a policy of friendship with all nations and entangling alliances with none and will pledge himself to such an investigation as Ford suggested, the votes cast for Ford in the primaries assure him an overwhelming majority. A Ford policy of peace and investigation, or a secret and Rhodes imperial policy of wars-which shall it be?

God give us wisdom, and preserve our republic to be a friend and guide to the nations. God speed the right!

THE

THE LEIBNIZ BICENTENARY.

HE current number of The Monist (October, 1916) is devoted to a commemoration of the scientific and philosophical work of Leibniz and its influences on modern thought. It is just two hun

LEIBNIZ'S HOUSE IN HANOVER.

dred years since Leibniz died, and thus it is fitting, as well as useful, that we should all remember just now rather particularly the mortal Leibniz and his undying work.

In the first article, "Leibniz's Life and Work," C. Deslile Burns gives a brilliant account of Leibniz's life and his public activities, especially in the founding of learned academies.

Philip E. B. Jourdain, in an article on "The Logical Work of Leibniz," gives an account of Couturat's monumental work on the subject, and supplements it with a fuller account of some important parts of Leibniz's own work and the later developments of his "principle of continuity."

In an article on "Leibniz and Descartes," C. Delisle Burns attempts to estimate: (1) The dependence of Leibniz upon Descartes for his conceptions of method; (2) His relation to Descartes in psychological questions; and (3) His dependence upon the Cartesian mechanism in physical science.

In "The development of Leibniz's Monadism," T. Stearns Eliot deals with the prejudices, traditions, and suggestions which

combined with the central motive in forming Leibniz's philosophical system.

Prof. Florian Cajori, in "Leibniz's 'Image of Creation,'" gives an interesting account of the shape which Leibniz's discovery and advocacy of the binary system of numeration in arithmetic took in his mind.

In "Leibniz's Monads and Bradley's Finite Centers," T. Stearns

Eliot writes on the analogy between Leibniz's monads and F. H. Bradley's "finite centers."

In "The Manuscripts of Leibniz on his Discovery of the Differential Calculus," J. M. Child gives annotated translations of (1) the famous cancelled postscript, on Leibniz's early studies, to the letter from Leibniz to Jakob Bernoulli of April 1703, and (2) the Historia et Origo of about 1714.

This series of translations from Leibniz manuscripts will be