her extraordinary merits and the taste of the public. Though in no wise necessary to her attraction, which never flags, she has appeared in several new parts. We have only time to our regret to notice one in which she has displayed such elevation, and versatility of genius as to startle and delight her oldest admirers. Her performance of Queen Catharine in Henry Eighth stamps her a tragic actress of the highest rank. Her conception of the character is so exalted; her developement, shade by shade, of all its varied phases so faithful, natural and affecting; the plaintive remonstrances of outraged affections; the haughty indignation of wounded pride; the bitterness of grief, the prostration of despair; these strong emotions, these terrible passions, were exhibited all in turn with such fearful truth as to thrill the heart and unloose "the fruitful river of the eye." The steadfast gaze and unbroken attention of her vast audience told with what exquisite skill the subtle actress played on those chords which vibrate in every breast, and “make all mankind kin." What a performance, and what a triumph.

NOTICES OF NEW BOOKS.

HISTORY OF THE GIRONDISTS; or, Personal Memoirs of the Patriots of the French Revolution, from unpublished sources. By Alphonse de Lamartine. In three volumesVolume 2. Harper Brothers.

It is wonderful, after all that has been written on the French Revolution, how much of interest is annually elicited from the pens of eminent Frenchmen on the subject. The plan of Lamartine seems to have been to select the most stirring and brilliant passages of that great political revulsion, and present them to his readers in a series of heart stir ring tableaux. The actors in that great drama are, as it were, brought before the public on a pedestal exposed to a brilliant and searching light, which discovers alike their private biographies as well as the just proportion of their influence upon the great public pageant. Although the work may not add to our historical information upon this subject, yet it is a very agreeable and powerful aid in forming a juster judgment of scenes with which we are already acquainted. A great deal of new material in the way of illustrative anecdote is introduced, which adds much to the attraction of this highly valuable work. One would imagine, however, that in the history of a party brought into being in the turmoil of the French Revolution, that it would be difficult, even for a European courtier, to find mate rial for attack on the United States. The poet-historian, however, has succeeded in this in several instances. As for example, in the sketch of Thomas Paine, the author of The Age of Reason. That person was born in Norfolk, England, and while he sojourned in this country, contributed powerfully by his writings to the success of the American Revolution. He then went back to England and greatly promoted the cause of humanity by his controversy with Edmund Burke. He then became in Paris a member of the Constituent Assembly, supporting the cause of Republicanism against the rotten and corrupt monarchial system. Our author charges this act of the Englishman, Paine, as a crime of ingratitude upon Republican America, because Louis XVI. had, to suit his own selfish purposes, aided the colonies in their struggle against his old enemy; as well might he be accused of ingratitude because he opposed Paine in France. The Englishman, Thomas Paine, and the Frenchman, Louis Capet, both aided the colonies in their struggle, the former by his writings out of pure philanthropy, the latter by men and money to further his own selfish ends. That these two persons were opposed to each other in the course of French liberty, is a most singular proof of American ingratitude-none but a poet could have discovered it. For this, and many other errors, Lamartine was taken to task by an American, through the columns of the Journal Des Debats, and he promised to make the amende honorable in an appendix. The two first volumes have been published by the Messrs. Harpers, in a beautiful, readable and cheap style.

THE LIFE OF THE CHEVALIER BAYARD, "The Good Knight." reproche." By W. Gilmore Simms. Harper Brothers.

"Sans peur et sans

Burke lamented that the "age of chivalry" was gone; and the regret is often repeated by mawkish sentimentalists and unthinking romancers. How often do we see the regret expressed in the literary productions of those, who dare not look upon human nature as it

is, that industry and the pursuit of wealth make men "narrow-minded and selfish." We praise the "generosity" and high toned virtues of the "age of chivalry," and lament the "unbought grace of life," the "nurse of manly sentiment and heroic enterprise," all of which means, translated into plain English, that it was much better to rob the peaceful citizens than to earn a living one's self. No doubt, where thousands were laboring to make the earth yield its treasures for the support and comfort of man; where the patient husbandman followed the seasons in unremitting toil, that he might profit by his industry, that he was more frugal in his expenditure, and less lavish in display, than the mail clad warrior, whose business was robbery. The yearly labor of hundreds of farmers or serfs was at the mercy of the ruthless robber, who lived in the "age of chivalry." Well might he be generous and free from "sordid love of saving," since the laboring many were but gaining up for the spoiler. This age of chivalry was on its wane, and priests and knights had nearly, by ages of continued rapine and plunder, lost even the pretence of honor and mutual faith which formerly had been considered an attribute of knighthood. Treachery bad become a science, and perfidy an accomplishment, as rapine and murder had long been a profession. In this state of affairs, at the close of the 15th century, Bayard made his appearance, and afforded an example of chivalry in its best and brightest days. As such his life is exceedingly instructive in this commercial age, as showing how infinitely behind the citizen of the present day in all high toned virtues was the brightest and most world renowned knight of the "ages of chivalry." After all the honors and laudations that have been heaped upon him, he was a common cut-purse and highway robber-one of those bandits, from whom descended those who are now the nobles of Europe. The only difference between these nobles and their progenitors, is, that in the age of chivalry," the knight, clad in complete armour, with great courage risked his carcase among comparatively reckless enemies whom he sought to rob. His descendants rob by law entailed estates and special privileges. Nevertheless, the life of the Chevalier Bayard is of intense interest, and the volume before us will doubtless command great attention.

44

THE MEXICAN WAR: A History of its Origin, &c. By Edward D. Mansfield, Esq. A. S. Barnes & Co. New-York.

Mr. Mansfield is a graduate of West Point, and is already somewhat known to the public as the author of a life of Gen. Scott, of a partisan character, and we are sorry to see that the present so-called history is of the same nature. The military events are detailed, doubtless, with that truth and accuracy that the esprit du corps might elicit from one bred a soldier, and from whose heart partisan politics has not yet weeded out that patriotism and love of national honor, that a military training might be supposed to have excited. The diplomatic part of the story, however, is not to be trusted. As an instance, page 14, we have the following:

Texas continued negotiation with the United States, with Great Britain, France, and Mexico, the object of which was to procure the acknowledgment of her independence by Mexico, or her protection by some more powerful government. Thus matters continued a partial war at one time, and a series of negotiations at another-till the administration of President Tyler revived the plan of annexation."

The

The object is to show that the United States persevered in a systematic course of aggression against a weak neighbor, and to further this impression, the above false statement is made. "Thus matters continued," says the "historian!" which is untrue. United States acknowledged the independence of Texas in 1837. Great Britain did so in 1839, and France in 1842. All these had diplomatic agents near the government of Texas, and treaties in operation with it. Texas exercised all the functions of an independent power. These material facts an historian! suppresses for party purposes. As we have said, however, the military portion of the work has merit, and will command

attention.

WRECK OF THE GLIDE; With Recollections of the Frigüs and of Wallis Island. Wiley & Putnam.

The great sensation produced by "Typee," by the same publishers, has, in some sort, created a taste for adventures in the Pacific, and among its romantic islands. The present work is the production of a gentleman, who, like Mr. Melville, was personally an actor in the scenes which he describes, and the interest it excites is well-sustained.

THE PRINCESS. A Medley. By Alfred Tennyson. William D. Ticknor & Co.; Boston.

To the admirers of Tennyson, and they are many, the present poem will be exceeding welcome. The typography is in that neat and clear style, for which the publications of Messrs. Ticknor are celebrated.

PICTORIAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. No. 40. Harper Brothers.

This great and valuable work is approaching its completion, and those who have not furnished themselves with so necessary an appendage to their libraries, should by all means avail themselves of the present opportunity.

THE WRITINGS OF GEORGE WASHINGTON: Being his Correspondence, Addresses, Messages, and other papers, Official and Private, Selected and Published from the Original Manuscripts, with a Life of the author, Notes and Illustrations. By Jared Sparks. Vol. IX. Harper Brothers.

This great work is to be completed in 12 handsome, royal octavo volumes, embracing. the life and acts of the most extraordinary man the world ever produced. The founder of an empire, which is to eclipse in numbers, power, and refinement, all that the world has heretofore produced. The life and writings of this most extraordinary man possess an interest for the world at large; but more particularly for all Americans who wish to become imbued with the true spirit of patriotic virtue, which sustained the Father of his Country through all trials and temptations. These 12 volumes are sold by the Messrs. Harper at the low price of $1 50 each, and are probably the most valuable national work for the least money ever published.

SCENES IN WASHINGTON; A Story of the Last Generation. By a Citizen of Baltimore. Harper Brothers.

This is a very interesting work of the class called religious novels; and for those who consider that mode of impressing great moral and religious truths, as effective and desirable, will prove exceedingly attractive.

MEXICO AND THE ROCKY MOUNTAINS. By George F. Buxton, Esq., Member of the Royal Geographical Society, &c. Harper Brothers.

The general and natural desire for all information that may be gathered on the subject of Mexico, its people and resources, make all publications upon the subject sought after with eagerness. The present volume is lively, and describes scenes and manners in Mexico in a pleasant and agreeable manner. As far as it conveys some idea of the people, their views and customs, it is valuable; but like all the books of English travellers, is utterly unreliable for any authentic information, because, as is always the case with English, no matter to what distance they travel, the mind never leaves the smoky isles of the northern ocean. Everything is seen through a distorted lens. Everything connected in any way with America, excites at once the bile of the writer, and nothing is considered but in a jaundiced view. As usual, a silly homily on slaves, and horror at the injustice of the Mexican war, add to the trumpery remarks of the traveller. The incidents in Mexico, allowing for the superciliousness of the Briton, are well worthy of perusal.

MEMOIR OF SARAH B. JUDSON, Member of the American Mission to Burmah. By Fanny Forester. L. Colby & Co.; New-York.

The fame of Mrs. Judson has spread far and wide in the Christian world, as a devoted servant in the missionary cause; and the present little volume, by one whose talents and highly-poetic nature eminently qualify her to portray a life so filled with goodness and heroism, will doubtless be eagerly sought after.

NEW MUSIC. A. Van Gelder, 268 Bowery.

Mr. Van Gelder is peculiarly prompt and happy in the production of new popular airs and pieces adapted to the piano. Among those recently issued, is the celebrated popular Hymn, sung by the Roman people in honor of the great reforms of the Pope. It is called Pius IX. Also, a new piece, by H. C. Watson, "With joy could I set by thy side." The Euterpe Waltz," by A. Munson; and "When the bee has left the blos som," by A. Smart, have all been recently issued by the same house, and are highly attractive.

THE great French Revolution, which first outwardly manifested itself in 1789, and which has since been gradually working out its final results, has suddenly assumed a new phase; once more the people have asserted their rights, and for the third time a Bourbon king seeks safety in flight from Paris. Since the first assembling of the tiers etat there have been eight governments. In 1789, that of the National or Constituent Assembly, which lasted three years, to October, 1791; the Legislative Assembly succeeded, and was prolonged five years, to October, 1795; the Council of the Ancients and of Four Hundred under the Directory three years, to the Consulate of the year 1799, which lasted five years, to May, 1804; the Empire sustained itself 11 years, to June, 1815; the restoration of Louis XVIII. 10 years, to 1824; Charles X. retained his seat six years, to July, 1830; and Louis Philippe struggled on 17 years, to February, 1848. These eight distinct governments have only been various features in the struggle for power, while the great mass of the French nation have been rapidly improving in the elements of self-government. The excesses committed at their first awakening, in 1789, from the lethargy of centuries of oppression, and which gave their enemies such advantage over them, were the wild but not unnatural outburst of an uninstructed populace that had suddenly been emancipated from a state of extreme degradation, and which had innumerable grievances to suppress and wrongs to avenge. Such a people, maddened by the paid emissaries of England, who concocted plots and spread alarm, in order to incite to those outrages, of which they did not fail to avail themselves and to denounce as the legitimate results of popular government, were the victims of the wily despots that surrounded them. The danger of a return to such a state of things scarcely now exists. The people of France have become wiser through long experience, and the gradually increasing wealth and importance of the lower classes have raised them nearer to a level with the bourgeoise, or middle classes, and, as it were, amalgamated the interests of these two classes, while the aristocracy has ceased to exist, and the influence of the court dwindled to the circle of its pecuniary dependants. At the outbreak of the revolution in 1789, the old feudal aristocracy and the hierarchy were in full possession of the land and of their privileges as landlords. These

privileges consisted in exemption from direct taxes; the dispensation of justice in manorial courts, with innumerable rights in respect to game, mills, &c. The rental of most of the estates consisted of services and feudal tenures, through the influence of which individual industry was nearly exterminated. The country inhabitants were in fact in a state of predial slavery, and while the nobility and clergy threw upon the people all the expense of court and government, they monopolised all situations of power and emolument. Without a patent of nobility no man could hold a civil or military office. Each noble was in his own circle a petty tyrant, and the peasantry were delivered over without appeal or protection from the government to his tender mercies. That these people should have cherished the most determined hatred of these petty tyrants, and that the long arrears should have been settled in one bloody burst of vengeance, is no matter of surprise.

Two events resulted from that revolution, productive of lasting, radical and progressive change in the government. The aristocracy was destroyed, and the land passing into the hands of the people without entail or law of primogeniture, became continually subdivided. Instead of being possessed by a few lords it is owned by independent occupiers. These two circumstances of necessity made France a republic. Napoleon alone seems correctly to have appreciated the real state of affairs when he declared,

"The destruction of the aristocracy had proved fatal to all subsequent efforts for establishing a constitutional monarchy in France. The revolution had attempted the solution of a problem as impossible as the direction of balloons. An aristocracy is the true support of the throne-its moderator, its lever, its fulcrum. The state without it is a vessel without a rudder, a balloon in the air.-(Las Cases.")

Napoleon himself sought, under the empire, to form a new aristocracy around him, by making dukes, princes, or counts of his soldiers. The thing was entirely artificial and would not work. Even under his military rule the progress of the people in intelligence and wealth, which is the element of their power, was so rapid as to threaten his dynasty. The people have since continued to make progress. The institutions of the United States, which, in 1789, were scarcely formed, have for 60 years continued to afford them a favorable example of popular government, while there has been no aristocratic body to support the crown in making oppressive and partial laws; for what the crown could not do by itself by force or fraud, it was compelled to depend upon a corrupt plebeian Chamber of Deputies. It had no large and influential class to co-operate with it in its schemes of oppression.

In this system, which the English government understands prodigiously well, the power of making the laws belongs exclusively to the members of the aristocracy; public situations, which are the road to honors and to fortune, fall to the share of nobody but those who are vested with the power of making the laws, their children, or relations; and the people, which does the work, is the property in fee of those who have the management of public affairs. The English aristocracy displays great intelligence in the way in which it accomplishes its ends with the working classes. It leaves them all the means for the production of wealth; and every one of the individuals under its influence may choose the business by which he thinks he can get the most. All attempts on the security of individual property, which would only cause capital to disappear and hinder production, are completely put down. The people that work are neither hampered nor disturbed in their labors, but are as free in their industry and their comerce as bees in a hive.

The working classes, however, derive no more advantage in the end from this freedom in their operations, than the bees do from the honey they take