CHAPTER VIII.

1797-1798.

Congress meet-Strength of Parties-Lull in Affairs-Adams's amusing Commentary on his Inaugural Speech-First Dispatches from France-President rampant-Fast-dayCongress on Fire-Spriggs's Resolutions-Two Letters from Jefferson to Eppes-The XYZ Dispatches-The Result of our Extraordinary Embassy to France-Popular Excitement Republicans suddenly reduced to a feeble Minority-War Measures rapidly pass Congress-Character of Gallatin, the Republican Leader of the HouseAddresses and Answers-Jefferson against War, but declares if it takes place, "we must defend ourselves"-Hamilton complains of Unfortunateness of English Depradations at such a time-He urges on War Measures against France-Proposes a Political Tour to Washington under "pretence of Health"-Marshall's Return from France-President's Message-War Spirit bursts out anew-Legislation against "Interior Foes"-Time for Naturalization extended-The first Alien Law-Army raised-French Treaties annulled-Other War Measures-Second Alien Law-The Sedition Law-Lloyd's Bill-Hamilton's Views on these Bills-The Black CockadeWho were the Foreigners against whom the Alien Laws were directed?-The number of French, English and Irish Alien Residents-The Circumstances which drove the latter to our Country-Attempt of the American Minister in England to prevent their Emigration Society of "United Irishmen" in Philadelphia-Rights of Naturalized Citizens and Alien Residents-Political and Moral Character of the Irish Refugees-Mr. Jefferson's Letters to his Daughters-His Domestic Affairs, etc.—His Anticipation of an Attempt against him personally-His imputed Connection with Logan's Mission the pretext-His Letter to Archibald Hamilton Rowan-Invites him to Virginia, and promises him Protection against the Alien Laws-President Adams's Inconsistent Course in regard to those Laws-Doubts their Constitutionality, yet authorizes their enforcement-Pickering looking up Subjects-The Number of dangerous French and Irish Aliens discovered-The Sedition Law more effective-Lyon, a Member of Congress, fined and imprisoned-Petitioners for his Release found Guilty of Sedition, fined and imprisoned-Holt, Publisher of New London Bee, Thomas Cooper, and James T. Callendar, fined and imprisoned Baldwin fined for "wishing" Judge Peck arrested-Number of the Victims-The Aim of the Law as disclosed by the Decisions under it-The President appoints Officers of the New Army-Intrigue of Cabinet to place Hamilton over Knox and Pinckney-Pickering reveals one of the President's proposed Nominations to secure its Rejection-Turpitude of the Transac tion-Proceedings of French Government after sending away Marshall and PinckneyTalleyrand's Pacific Overtures-As he advances Gerry recedes-Their CorrespondenceGerry's Departure-Directory pass Decrees more favorable to the United StatesLogan's Reception-Assurances sent to Mr. Adams by him-Lafayette's Assurances of Pacific Intentions of France-American Consuls and Private Residents in France send home similar Assurances-Talleyrand communicates such Assurances to American Minister at the Hague.

THE time fixed for the meeting of Congress was the 13th of November, but a quorum did not assemble until the 22d, owing

CHAP. VIII.]

MEETING OF CONGRESS, ETC.

379

perhaps to the panic produced by the prevalence of yellow fever in Philadelphia-though the disease had terminated its ravages with the first frosts, and before the appointed day of assembling.

The Vice-President did not set out for the seat of Government until the evening of the 4th of December. He made his customary call on Mr. Madison' on the 6th, and reached Philadelphia on the 12th. Jacob Reed, of South Carolina, acted as President, pro tempore, of the Senate in his absence. Andrew Jackson took his seat, from Tennessee, this session. Jefferson wrote Madison, January 3d, that in the House of Representatives "the Republican interest had at present, on strong questions, a majority of about half a dozen, as was conjectured, and there were as many of their firmest men absent; not one of the anti-Republicans was from his post." He subsequently informed the same correspondent that in the Senate the general division was twenty-two Federalists to ten Republicans. Nothing of particular importance occurred in either House of Congress for a considerable period. He wrote his daughter:

TO MARTHA JEFFERSON RANDOLPH.

(Extract.)

PHILADELPHIA, December 27th, '97.

We are here lounging our time away, doing nothing and having nothing to do. It gives me great regret to be passing my time so uselessly, when it could have been so importantly employed at home. I cannot but believe that we shall become ashamed of staying here, and go home in February or March at furthest. Nor are we relieved by the pleasures of society here; for, partly from bankruptcies, partly from party dissensions, society is torn up by the roots. I envy those who stay at home enjoying the society of their friendly neighbors, blessed with their firesides and employed in doing something every day which looks usefully to futurity.

I expect you will, of course, charge me, before my departure, with procuring you such articles of convenience here as you can best get here; I shall be sending home some things for myself in the spring. Tell Mr. Randolph I shall be glad from time to time to exchange meteorological diaries with him; that we may have a comparative view of the climates of this place and ours.

He records in the Ana, a dinner-table conversation with the President on the 15th of February, in which Mr. Adams talked considerably in his Davila strain about the proper tenure of senatorial bodies, the overshadowing importance of the Senate

He uniformly called on Mr. Madison going to and returning from the seat of Govern ment, when the latter was at his residence, Montpelier, Orange county.

in our Constitution, etc.' Mr. Jefferson thought his language served as a key to the "politics of the Senate," and "the bold line of conduct they pursued." If so, Mr. Adams was pampering assumptions of which he was soon to become the bitterest complainer.

The invasion of England by Bonaparte was now a topic of absorbing interest throughout the world; and there were few who did not more or less expect or dread it might be successful. On a former occasion, Mr. Jefferson sportively wrote a correspondent that he expected to dine with Pichegru in London before long. When there was a supposed probability that England might be crushed or violently revolutionized, we have him thus expressing himself (February 23d) in a letter to Mr. Fitzhugh:

"The ensuing month will probably be the most eventful ever yet seen in modern Europe. It may probably be the season preferred for the projected invasion of England. It is indeed a game of chances. The sea which divides the combatants gives to fortune as well as to valor its share of influence on the enterprise. But all the chances are not on one side. The subjugation of England would be a general calamity. But happily it is impossible. Should it end in her being only republicanized, I know not on what principle a true republican of our country could lament it, whether he considers it as extending the blessings of a purer government to other portions of mankind, or strengthening the cause of liberty in our own country by the influence of that example. I do not indeed wish to see any nation have a form of government forced on them; but if it is to be done, I should rejoice at its being a free one."

In the same letter occurs a sentiment and a prediction, which if not at all novel coming from their author, embalm their substance in words worthy of preservation:

"I do not think it for the interest of the General Government itself, and still less of the Union at large, that the State governments should be so little respected as they have been. However, I dare say that in time all these as well as their central government, like the planets revolving round their common sun, acting and acted upon according to their respective weights and distances, will produce that beautiful equilibrium on which our Constitution is founded, and which I believe it will exhibit to the world in a degree of perfection, unexampled but in the planetary system itself. The enlightened statesman, therefore, will endeavor to preserve the

1 This same conversation will be found contemporaneously described in a letter from Jefferson to Madison, Feb. 22d, 1798.

2 This letter was to Giles, and dated April 27, 1795. The passage about dining with Pichegru, is one of those quoted by Judge Marshall to sustain the authenticity of the Mazzei letter! (Life of Washington, vol. ii., concluding note.) But to do Judge M. justice, he undoubtedly mistook the remark for a serious one.

CHAP. VIII.]

FIRST DISPATCHES FROM FRANCE.

381

weight and influence of every part, as too much given to any member of it would destroy the general equilibrium."

In the lull of suspense in our French relations, before the result of the new missions became known, the President's correspondence shows that he supposed France was anxious for peace with us; and that he as decidedly as Washington set his face against an English alliance.' But he was not allowed to get entirely cool. The following amusing commentary on his inaugural speech, is contained in a letter he wrote Wolcott, October 27th (1797):

"What the session of Congress will produce I know not; but a torpor, a despondency, has seized all men in America as well as Europe. The system of terror, according to an Indian expression, has 'put petticoats on them.' The treachery of the common people against their own countries, the transports with which they seize the opportunity of indulging their envy, gratifying their revenge against all whom they have been in the habit of looking up to, at every hazard to their own countries, and in the end, at every expense of misery to themselves, has given a paralytic stroke to the wisdom and courage of nations."

On the 5th of March, President Adams sent a message to Congress, announcing the receipt of the first dispatches from the American Envoys in France. One of these, dated January 8th, was transmitted with the message, giving notice of a decree of the Directory making all vessels good prize having merchandise on board, the production of England or her colonies, to whoever it might then belong. The other dispatches were in cipher, and time was required to write them out. On the 13th, the President consulted his Cabinet on the propriety of submitting to Congress the whole of the communications of the envoys, and whether he ought in his message to recommend an immediate declaration of war."

Jefferson wrote Madison on the 15th, that the decree of the Directory in regard to vessels had produced a great sensation among the merchants-but that on the whole it cooled them still more against allowing merchant ships to arm. He states, on the other hand, that the Representatives" do not cool;" but he still thinks the Republicans can carry the question against arming by a majority of four or five.

See his Works, vol. viii. pp. 557, 559, 561, 562. It will be seen at the last named page, that he speaks about a revolution in England as a probable event.

Adams's Works, vol. viii. p. 568. The answers of the Cabinet, so far as any were made, will be found appended.

On the 19th, the President sent another message, not communicating the French dispatches, but alluding to their tenor. He said that they had been "examined and maturely consid ered," and that although our Envoys' exertions for an adjustment of differences had been "sincere and unremitted," he felt it" incumbent on him to declare that he perceived no ground of expectation that the objects of their mission could be accomplished on terms compatible with the safety, honor, or the essential interests of the nation." He exhorted Congress to "promptitude, decision, and unanimity," in a proposed series of defensive and offensive preparations, which plainly pointed to war; and he declared that he no longer "conceived himself justifiable" in continuing a prohibition on the arming of our merchant vessels.

On the 23d of March, a national fast was appointed, to be held on the 9th of May ensuing.

Congress caught the flame. Jefferson wrote Madison' on the 21st, that the President's "insane message" had produced "exultation on one side and a certainty of victory-while the other was petrified with astonishment." He hoped there might be a majority of one against the war, but was doubtful. He proposed that, if the Republicans were found in the majority, they should renew the prohibition on the arming of merchant vessels, and then, to gain time, adjourn, avowedly "to go home and consult their constituents on the great crisis of American affairs now existing." He continued:

"We see a new instance of the inefficiency of constitutional guards. We had relied with great security on that provision, which requires two-thirds of the Legislature to declare war. But this is completely eluded by a majority's taking such measures as will be sure to produce war.

"To return to the subject of war, it is quite impossible, when we consider all the existing circumstances, to find any reason in its favor resulting from views either of interest or honor, and plausible enough to impose even on the weakest mind; and especially, when it would be undertaken by a majority of one or two only. Whatever, then, be our stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to other views. And those so well known to have been entertained at Annapolis, and afterwards at the Grand Convention, by a particular set of men, present themselves as those alone which can account for so extraordinary a degree of impétuosity. Perhaps, instead of what was then in contemplation, a separation of the Union, which

We have omitted to mention that Madison retired from Congress at the opening of Mr. Adams's Administration-and Giles had also left it, broken down in health."

2 That is at the Annapolis Convention in 1786 and the Federal Convention in 1787.