the expenses already incurred, and estimates of their future cost, as far as can be foreseen, shall be laid before you, that you may be enabled to judge whether any alteration is necessary in the laws respecting this subject.

Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving, when left most free to individual enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed. If in the course of your observations or inquiries, they should appear to need any aid, within the limits of our constitutional powers, your sense of their importance is a sufficient assurance they will occupy your attention. We cannot, indeed, but all feel an anxious solicitude for the difficulties under which our carrying trade will soon be placed. How far it can be removed, otherwise than by time, is a subject of important consideration.

The judiciary system of the United States, and especially that portion of it recently erected, will of course present itself to the contemplation of Congress; and that they may be able to judge of the proportion which the institution bears to the business it has to perform, I have caused to be procured from the several states, and now lay before Congress, an exact statement of all the causes decided since the first establishment of the courts, and of those which were depending when additional courts and judges were brought into their aid.

And while on the judiciary organization, it will be worthy your consideration whether the protection of the inestimable institution of juries has been extended to all the cases involving the security of our persons and property. Their impartial selection also being essential to their value, we ought further to consider whether that is sufficiently secured in those states, where they are named by a marshal depending on executive will, or designated by the court, or by officers dependent on them.

I cannot omit recommending a revisal of the laws on the subject of naturalization. Considering the ordinary chances of human life, a denial of citizenship, under a resi dence of fourteen years is a denial to a great proportion of those who ask it; and controls a policy pursued, from their first settlement, by many of these States, and still believed of consequence to their prosperity. And shall we

refuse to the unhappy fugitives from distress, that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe? The constitution, indeed, has wisely provided that, for admission to certain offices of important trust, a residence shall he required, sufficient to develop character and design. But might not the general character and capabilities of a citizen be safely communicated to every one manifesting a bona fide purpose of embarking his life and fortunes permanently with us? with restrictions, perhaps, to guard against the fraudulent usurpation of our flag; an abuse which brings so much embarrassment and loss on the genuine citizen, and so much danger to the nation of being involved in war, that no endeavour should be spared to detect and suppress it.

These, fellow-citizens, are the matters respecting the state of the nation, which I have thought of importance to be submitted to your consideration at this time. Some others of less moment, or not yet ready for communication, will be the subject of separate messages. I am happy in this opportunity of committing the arduous affairs of our government to the collected wisdom of the Union. Nothing shall be wanting on my part to inform, as far as in my power, the legislative judgment; nor to carry that judgment into faithful execution. The prudence and temperance of your discussions will promote, within your own walls, that conciliation which so much befriends rational conclusion; and by its example, will encourage among our constituents that progress of opinion, which is tending to unite them in object and in will. That all should be satisfied with any one order of things, is not to be expected; but I indulge the pleasing persuasion that the great body of our citizens will cordially concur in honest and disinterested efforts, which have for their object to preserve the general and state governments in their constitutional form and equilibrium; to maintain peace abroad, and order and obedience to the laws at home; to establish principles and practices of administration favourable to the security of liberty and property, and to reduce expenses to what is necessary for the useful purposes of government. TH: JEFFERSON.

Extract of a Letter from the Secretary of State, to William Eaton, Esq. Consul of the United States at Tunis. Department of State, Washington, May 20, 1801.

"THE proofs which have been given by the bashaw of Tripoli, of hostile designs against the United States, have, as you will learn from commodore Dale, determined the President to send into the Mediterranean a squadron of three frigates and a sloop of war, under the command of that officer. Should war have been declared, or hostilities commenced, this force will be immediately employed in the defence and protection of our commerce against the piracies of that regency. It is hoped that the contagion will not have spread to Tunis or Algiers; but should one or both of them have followed the perfidious example, their corsairs will be equally repelled and punished.

"The policy of exhibiting a naval force on the coast of Barbary, has long been urged by yourself and the other consuls. The present moment is peculiarly favourable for the experiment, not only as it is a provision against an immediate danger, but as we are now at peace and amity with all the rest of the world, and as the force employed would, if at home, be at nearly the same expense, with less advantage to our mariners. The President has therefore every reason to expect the utmost exertions of your prudence and address, in giving the measure an impression most advantageous to the character and interests of the United States. In effecting this object, the means must be left in a great degree to your knowledge of the local and other circumstances, which cannot be understood at this distance. You will of course take due pains to satisfy the bey, that the United States are desirous of maintaining peace with all nations, who are willing to live in peace, that they have given abundant evidence of their disposi tion to cultivate the friendship of the Barbary regencies and of himself in particular, and that if the flag of the Unit ed States should be engaged in war with either of them, it will be a war of defence and necessity, not of choice or provocation. You will also give every friendly explanation and assurance on this occasion, which may be requisite for the consuls and agents of other powers residing at Tunis.

"You are authorized to inform the bey of Tunis, that a vessel is now preparing to take in the cargo, which will complete the regalia due to him, and that no time will be lost in getting her on her voyage.

Note.The same was written to Mr. O'Brien, except the last paragraph, with the following addition :

"You will of course take due pains to satisfy the dey, that the United States are desirous of maintaining peace with all nations who are willing to live in peace, that they have given abundant evidence of their disposition to cultivate the friendship of the Barbary regencies, and of himself in particular; that they expect from his good faith an efficacious interposition, according to our treaty with him, for guarantying the treaty with the bashaw of Tripoli.

"The United States, it appears, will, before you receive this, be three years in arrears to the dey. Towards making up the deficiency, the "George Washington" is under active preparation to carry timber and other stores for at least one annuity. Commodore Dale is charged with thirty thousand dollars, which the President hopes the dey may have been induced to accept as a commutation for the stores due for another. He has also in charge four hundred yards of cloth, and thirty pieces of linen, for the biennial present. Should you not have prevailed on the dey, and should find it still impossible to prevail on him. to accept the thirty thousand dollars in lieu of the stores, without the application of four, five, or six thousand dollars, you will be supplied with that sum, and the sum of thirty thousand dollars will then be made up out of other moneys in the commodore's hands. Should there be no possibility of inducing the dey to the measure, even with this aid, the whole sum of thirty thousand dollars is to be retained by the commodore. The balance for the remaining, or third year, will be sent as soon as it can be done, either in stores or money as may be agreed. You are already aware how much both the conveniency and interest of the United States will be promoted by substifuting money for stores, rating the latter at thirty thousand dollars, as a permanent regulation, and will take due pains to bring about such a change. You may find it perhaps an argument of some weight with the dey for preferring money to stores, that the former can always be remitted

with more punctuality; and that in times of war such of the latter as are held to be contraband by the European law of nations, may be exposed to captures by which he must be affected as well as the United States. In case you should succeed in the pecuniary commutation proposed, it will be proper in defining the sum of thirty thou sand dollars to refer to some standard of weight and fineness in the metal, that will secure the United States against arbitrary regulations of the dey, and quiet his jealousy, if he should have any, of imposition on the part of the United States. The Spanish dollars now in circulation may, for example, answer this purpose.

"The pretensions set up against the United States in the case of the ship Fortune, for indemnification to the owners of the merchandise, with which she was laden, shows the disadvantage of employing our vessels in the freight of Algerine property. You will, therefore, as far as you can, discourage that branch of trade; and as far as it cannot be done, will take care to repress all expectation or claim whatsoever, to throw on the United States the losses by capture under their flag.

"One subject of equal importance and delicacy still remains. The sending to Constantinople, the national ship of war, the George Washington, by force, under the Alge rine flag, and for such a purpose, has deeply affected the sensibility, not only of the President, but of the people of the United States. Whatever temporary effects it may have had favourable to our interests, the indignity is of so serious a nature, that it is not impossible that it may deemed necessary, on a fit occasion, to revive the subject. Viewing it in this light, the President wishes that nothing may be said or done by you, that may unnecessarily preclude the competent authority from animadverting on that transaction in any way that a vindication of the national honour may be thought to prescribe."

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Extract of a Letter from the same to James L. Cathcart, Esq. Consul at Tripoli. Department of State, Washington, May 21, 1801.

"THE threat of hostilities against the trade of the Unit ed States by the bashaw, certified in your communications,