of the library. The third house, adapted to excite a good deal of interest, though of a somewhat different kind from the other two, is that wherein the family of the Rothschilds were born, and where they began to fabricate that enormous fortune which has enabled them since to play so important a part in Europe and the world. It is in a street inhabited by the poorest of the Jews, and is in no way distinguished from the other houses, decorated by old clothes, and other characteristic symbols of Jewish traffic. Here all the sons were born, and here the mother lived, till within two or three years, when she died at the age of ninety-six, refusing to the last to leave the old spot, where the foundation of the wonderful family prosperity was laid.

There are many important public buildings at Frankfort, a fine library, a good gallery of pictures, and an interesting museum of natural history. But what constitutes its peculiar advantage above any large town I have ever seen, are the splendid public gardens, by which it is completely girdled round. Formerly the city was strongly fortified, which exposed it to the misery of frequent sieges and bombardments. In order, therefore, as a gentleman remarked to me, while showing a part of the old walls, the better to ensure their own safety, the citizens, after the last visitation of that kind under Marshal Jourdan, in 1796, determined to erase the bulwarks, which only invited attack, and to convert them into gardens. And this has been done, with admirable skill, taste, and effect. And as they quite encircle the town, except that part which fronts the Maine, the inhabitants can, at any time, by a ten minutes' walk, reach these delightful promenades from every quarter. Nothing can exceed the sylvan beauty of the scene. Trees of all kinds of the most luxuriant growth and verdure spread their branches over the paths, or meet above, forming the richest avenues you can conceive, "high overarched with shadowing walks between ;" while the paths are lined on either side by fragrant shrubs and flowers of every hue. Here we often picture to ourselves the friendly and familiar faces whom we hope to see from England at the Congress, moving to and fro, enjoying in the neighbourhood of a great city all the luxuries of fine rural scenery and seclusion.

In my next, I will give you the details of the most kind and encouraging reception we met there, and the progress that has been made in preparations for the Congress.

Yours very truly,

HENRY RICHARD.

Since the arrival of the above letter from Halle, other interesting communications have been received from Mr. Richard, which the want of space prevents our giving entire. In the prosecution of their work the Secretaries have visited Heidelberg, Manheim, Worms, Dresden, Giessen, Cassel, Leipsic, Berlin, Hamburgh, and Hanover, intending to return to Frankfort by way of Cologne.

In all these towns, with but one exception, they have had most satisfactory interviews with Professors of the various universities-leading literary men, not being professors-gentlemen of political influence and commercial men of repute.

It will gratify our readers to be informed, that among a considerable number of eminent men who have engaged to attend the Congress, the celebrated name of Dr. Leibeg stands prominently forth, and it ought to be no mean inducement to minds that can appreciate scientific eminence, to be present on the occasion, that this great man "fully intends to be with us at Frankfort." The equally well-known and venerated Professor Tholuck "hopes, if possible, to attend the Congress." Professor Ulrice, the celebrated commentator on Shakespeare, "also purposes attending." From Leipsig there is fully expected to be "a powerful and influential delegation."

At Dresden the Secretaries were introduced to Dr. Langeur, President of the Court of Appeals, and who filled the high office of tutor to His Royal Highness the Prince Albert in his university day. He received them with the greatest kindness-gave them letters of introduction to a number of influential scholars and gentlemen, and expressed great regret that his official duties would prevent his presence at Frankfort, but promised to use his influence in promoting the object.

As the Continental Delegation promises to be so large, influential, and attractive, we may venture to hope that the Delegation from the United Kingdom will not prove less so. Hitherto the English have taken the lead as to numbers and influence, and we trust that on the coming occasion they will prove by a telling demonstration that their zeal has not abated but increased in this great work.

At Frankfort, the Committee are industriously preparing for the occasion; and the following extract will show that they are alive to the importance of their work and competent to its management:

"Our friends at Frankfort (for such we feel we can now call them) are proceeding in the most careful and methodical style, with all the necessary preparations-such as the convenient adjustment of all matters connected with the place where the Congress is to be held, the issue of the circular

of invitation widely through Germany,-the arrangements for the accommodation of the Delegates and Visitors on their arrival, the offices where the Committee shall meet,-and the best method of distributing tickets of admission,-and in fact, every thing that the most watchful and delicate hospitality can suggest, to contribute to the success of the Congress, and the comfort and pleasure of those who may come to share in its deliberations."

After such an assurance as the above, none surely can give place to anxiety on account of accommodations at Frankfort. We think it is evident that whatever the case requires or admits, will be effected by the active Committee there.

We should have been delighted to insert longer extracts from Mr. Richard's letter, but our want of space forbids it. However, the following is so full of interest and so likely to excite the desire of our friends to enjoy the intended gratification, that we place it before them in the hope that not a few may be induced to share in the enjoyment.

"No language can do justice to the magnificent panorama which this old town (Heidelberg) and its environs present. Mountain, plain, town, and castle scenery, are here united in most lovely and majestic combination. It is situated on the banks of the Neckar, and lies nestling in the bosom of a semi-circle of mountains of the loftiest and grandest form, clothed with abundant fertility and verdure; while the castle, at once a fortress and a palace, and beyond all comparison the finest old ruin that my eyes ever beheld, stands in its vast proportions and picturesque grandeur, midway between the town and the mountain height which swells its huge bulk behind. William Howitt says in reference to Turner's celebrated picture of this place, Those who do not know Heidelberg might fancy that the brilliant pencil of Turner had too far idolized the scene; those who do know Heidelberg might fear that no pencil could fully express the poetry with which nature has crowned it.' It were utterly vain to attempt any delineation in words of the glorious vision that expands before the eye, from the spacious platform in front of the castle. You look over the town spread out like a map beneath you, into the fine valley of the Neckar, which opens an almost boundless prospect in the distance, teeming with abundant promise of corn and wine, interspersed with spires and turrets dimly discerned, rising from the towns and villages, scattered over that capacious plain, while the sweeping line of the Vosges mountains of France, stretching far, far away, forms the fitting background to the wonderful landscape. The walks inside the castle also are most lovely, nature having spread her rich verdure over the yawning moats and shattered battlements, and converted what were once abodes of desolation and terror into a scene of sylvan beauty and repose. As we passed along those wooded walks, we thought and talked much of an excursion we have projected for the delegates to this place, after the Congress, and as Charles Lamb says, in reference to presents of fruits, game, and other delicate edibles, that the giver tastes them again, as it were, on his friend's palate, so we enjoyed a sort of reflex enjoyment, while indulging the luxurious feelings, which these scenes are adapted to produce, in anticipating the wonder and delight of our friends whom we hope to have the pleasure of introducing for the first time to their acquaintance."

Our friend has so exhausted the description as to leave nothing to be supplied, and we can only say, in conclusion, that we hope a large number of "Peace Advocates" will join the excursion to the beauties of far-famed and enchanting Heidelberg.

By the time this HERALD is out of the press, we expect the second Circular will be in the hands of our friends, or on its way to all parts of the kingdom. That Circular is intended to convey final instructions, with all particulars as to expenses, time, and place of departure, with general information on the route by which the party will travel to Frankfort. But as it is just possible that some of our readers may not

receive that Circular, and being anxious also to convey to them the earliest and fullest information, we lay before them its substance for their information and guidance.

It is expected that the party will leave the London-bridge Station at five o'clock on Monday afternoon, August 19.

They will proceed by way of Dover, across to Calais; and onward, by Lille, Courtray, Ghent, Malines, Liege, and Aixla-Chapelle, to Cologne, where they will rest for the night.

On the 21st, they proceed by steamer from Cologne up the Rhine, passing Bonn, Coblentz, and a large number of other interesting places on the banks of that noble stream of "poetry and romance to Biebrich, where they take a special train to Frankfort, at which place it is expected they will arrive about ten in the evening.

Communications have been thankfully received from Messrs. C. Brewin, S. Neave, G. Tode, (Ipswich,) J. Kenneday, W. A. Cunningham, W. Albright, and Miss Rathbone.

Some of our friends will see from the present number of the HERALD, that their communications or suggestions have not been overlooked-those of others are either deferred for want of room, or yet remain under consideration.

If such of our friends as kindly favour us with newspapers, would accompany them with a note, or, (covering the reference with a stamp,) by some mark on the papers, indicate the particular subject to which they desire to direct our attention, it would both save our time, and be more likely to effect their own intentions. We are often referred to articles, etc., in papers that we do not possess; if those correspondents who make these references would furnish us, at the same time, with the papers also, they would increase the obligation. Unless this is done, we find it impossible, in frequent instances, to comply with their request, how strong soever our desire may be to do so.

The next HERALD (which may be delayed a few days) will contain a full report of the proceedings and discussion at the Frankfort Congress.

The Herald of Peace, August, 1850.

DEBATE ON LORD PALMERSTON'S FOREIGN

POLICY.

POLITICS are not our natural province. The field of operation occupied by the Peace Question is one essentially moral and religious, and we can never enter that of politics, but for the purpose of illustrating or enforcing the principles, which a pacific religion has first presented to the obedience of the world. Questions that stand on moral ground are of a far higher character, and lay claim to far greater authority than those of any other class, for these belong to a sphere which is both fluctuating and temporary; but moral questions are connected with the government of God, and cannot be touched without more or less affecting the operations of the Divine prerogative.

Yet there are occasions on which there will appear, more clearly than at other times, the relationship of political systems to great moral principles; and when it will be comparatively easy to discern the hold those principles have on the movements of particular governments. And in such crises— for so they may be termed the reflecting men of the nation have but to watch with carefulness the reasons assigned by a responsible government for their conduct in any particular

case, to ascertain, as if by intuition, how far that conduct has been regulated by a regard to right, and how far it has descended to a corrupt and worldly expediency. The course that right principles dictate is open and manly, possessing a bearing that evermore indicates conscious integrity, inviting investigation, and most pleased when the scrutiny is most searching; but the one that expediency marks out is tortuous and vacillating-dealing in extenuations and apologies, and, ever familiar with evasions and logomachies, seeks to hide in dark and ambiguous phrases, what will not bear the gaze of open day.

Never was the truth of this statement more conspicuously presented than during the great debate on Lord Palmerston's Foreign Policy; and never were the weaknesses of a crooked diplomacy more painfully exposed. Setting aside party rancour, and a more than average exhibition of unworthy personalities, the debate has done an immense service to the country and the world, by laying bare the motives that regulate Governments, and demonstrating, by unmistakeable tokens, the trivial, even the silly, causes of War.

We should be guilty of great indiscretion were we to attempt a regular analysis of that debate. Personally it would be a source of pleasure; but relatively, it would prove an infliction upon our readers for which no adequate apology could be framed. Why should they be teazed with endless repetitions, and high-sounding, but empty, declamation? Why should they be dragged through a debate where words are so many, and principles are so few? Why should they be tortured with the review of a four nights' conflict, when there was nothing, literally nothing, at issue between the valorous combatants?

Had it been a contest for mighty principles-such, for instance, as whether eternal justice shall regulate our Foreign Policy, or brute force ;-whether national contests shall be determined by an impartial arbitration, or by the murderous cannon;—whether unchanging right shall govern our intercourse with our neighbours, or the caprice of interested or time-serving diplomatists ;-had it been a struggle on grounds such as these, and for points so vital in their character, then we could have ventured on the indulgence of our readers, while threading our way through the wordy contention. But it was not for these, nor any like them, that the stream of senatorial eloquence flowed on through four mortal nights of the hottest season of the year; but it was simply and essentially to determine, Whether the diplomacy of War, as employed by a Palmerston, had been more or less injurious than if Aberdeen had swayed the sceptre in the Foreign Office? Now, in such a contest we can have but a superficial interest-for the principles of systematic Peace are palpably repudiated by both parties; hence, throughout the entire debate, with one or two honourable exceptions, there is a total abandonment of those great moral maxims on which all policy should be based, and by which all international questions should be determined. In one word, that debate may be described as an elaborate discussion on an expediency that disregards moral obligation, or as an enlarged disquisition on the best means of subjecting a warlike diplomacy to the pacific purposes of mankind.

We said that there were one or two honourable exceptions to the common-place uniformity that pervaded the debate, and, as our readers might expect, one of those is Mr. Cobden. His speech on that occasion deserves close and repeated attention; for not only does it evince the manly boldness, the high-minded independence which have mainly contributed to the honourable member's power in and out of the house, but there is an analytical skill, a masterly dissection of preceding arguments, and a straightforward consistency running through the whole, to which the entire debate

"There has been the discontinuance of the practice of duelling, and something should be done to carry the same spirit into the intercourse of nations. In domestic life physical correction is giving way to moral influence. In schools and in lunatic asylums this principle is successfully adopted; and even the training of the lower animals is found to be better done by means of suasion. Can't you adopt something of this in the intercourse of nations? Whoever brings forward such measures shall have my support; and if it should happen, as the honourable member has threatened me, that the consequences of my vote shall be the loss of my seat in the house, then I say, that next to the satisfaction of having contributed to the advance of one's convictions is, in my opinion, the satisfaction of having sacrificed something for them" [loud cheers].

The other exception is that of the late, and justly lamented, Sir R. Peel, about whose words there is a melancholy solemnity from the circumstance of their being among the last ever spoken by that eminent man. It is not a little consoling to our minds, when reflecting on his sudden departure, and the nation's loss, to remember that he closed his brilliant career in the advocacy of Peace, and that the spirit of his final sentiments would convey to posterity the most honourable remembrance of the man, if transferred to the monument which a nation's gratitude is about to erect to his memory. The honourable Baronet closed his impressive address by saying:

"If you appeal to diplomacy,' let me ask you, in the first place, what is this diplomacy? It is a costly engine for maintaining peace. It is a remarkable instrument used by civilized nations for the purpose of preventing war. Unless it be used to appease the angry passions of individual men, to check the feelings that rise out of national resentments, unless it be used for that purpose, it is an instrument not only costly, but mischievous. If, then, your application of diplomacy be to fester every wound, to provoke instead of soothing resentments, to place a Minister in every court of Europe for the purpose not of preventing quarrels or of adjusting quarrels, but for the purpose of continuing an angry correspondence, and for the purpose of promoting what is supposed to be an English interest, and of keeping up conflicts with the representatives of other powers, then I say, that not only is the expenditure upon this costly instrument thrown away, but this great engine, used by civilized society for the purpose of maintaining peace, is perverted into a cause of hostility and war" [cheers].

Sir R. Peel was right. The diplomacy of a Christian nation like England should be characterised by the all-governing presence of Christian principles. These should give it body, life, and power; on all occasions, they should predominate and exercise even despotic rule; but this can never be by fitful fancies, or occasional sallies of a pacific disposition, but by a stern and unwavering determination to "keep the peace," at whatever sacrifice, and at whatever cost. Hitherto this is far from having been the case. Whether that diplomacy has been employed by an Aberdeen or a Palmerston, by a Tory, a Conservative, or a Liberal Ministry, it has been a diplomacy of expedients which have contradicted themselves with most ridiculous regularity, and exposed our Foreign Policy to the suspicion and jealousy of the whole world. Lord Palmerston has not been worse than his predecessors in office, but on frequent occasions has been better and far more disposed to pursue a pacific course; but with all the advantages that the known excellences of that nobleman, as a man, may have imparted to the system, we would assert of our Foreign Policy," that it is conducted on unsound principles, too frequently employed for purposes of irritation and mischief, and productive in the main of most dangerous results. It is a

66

is accounted worthy of a reward in proportion to the success of the experiment. Therefore we ask our readers, in all seriousness, Is such a system worthy of the support of a Christian community?

It is not often that we can agree with the Times, for it is not long together that it continues to agree with itself. But in the present instance we not only concur in its sentiments, but even highly admire them; and as they bear so closely on the subject of the above remarks, we beg to lay before our readers a portion of an article which appeared in that journal on the 17th ultimo, and rejoice that views which in various forms we have reiterated again and again are at last confirmed by such weighty authority.

"There is a momentum in all establishments, but there are also times in which that momentum is apt to receive a rude shock. Our diplomatists will tell us that ambassadors, ministers, secretaries, and the rest, are as necessary to the preservation of peace and goodwill as the sun, moon, and stars, earth, air, and water are to the material universe. As new States are founded in the New or the Old World, as old States advance their pretensions, and communities split or conglomerate, these authorities think England has nothing to do but to increase and multiply Her Britannic Majesty's representatives. It has been overdone. So now we have a reaction. The nation begins with scepticism, suggested by repeated failures. It ventures to ask what good our Ambassador did at Madrid, or our Minister at Lisbon, to justify so large an expense? Sir Edmund Lyons at Athens had more ready money than ever refreshed the eyes of King Otho. What was the consequence? We have sometimes had a full-grown Ambassador at St. Petersburgh, and sometimes a less expensive variety of the species; while the Czar has been equally variable in his arrangements. What practical difference have we found between the working of the two different classes? We have some dozen Ministers at the lesser German Courts. For all political purposes we might just as well have a Minister in each of the old provinces of France, or kingdoms of Spain. Where there is no political power, a diplomatic Minister is as much a sinecurist as he would be at Dublin, Manchester, or York. That which is useless, or excessive, indeed, is seldom content with being nothing Our diplomatic establishments have done their very best to cut out work for themselves; and so we find a great deal of business done for its own sake. So true is it, as domestic sages inform us, that a multitude of servants make work for one another. A diplomatist is unworthy of his vocation if he cannot get up something to talk about, to gain adherents about, to intrigue about, to write long letters about, to advance the interests' of his country about, if possible to get together a fleet about, to make a figure before the whole world about, and achieve at last a very difficult and hollow reconciliation about. So of course there is plenty of work to show for the system. But it is much ery, little wool.' What has the most costly, most elaborate, and most universal diplomacy in the world done for England? Nothing, positively nothing, that might not have been obtained by a far simpler, less ostentatious, and less offensive system."

more.

method an individual can indulge and express any amount of virtuous indignation without offending anyone, or exposing to hazard his own interest or reputation. Have our readers ever met a soldier or slave-owner who was greatly disturbed or displeased by general acclamations against war and slavery in the abstract? Nay, are there not many of those gentlemen who will themselves admit, with the most charming candour, that they are no doubt great evils, which it is to be hoped will eventually disappear from the earth? There are multitudes of moralists and reformers, who are ready to go to this extent, but will on no account descend to particulars. To attack evil in its principle is perfectly right, but to attack it in its manifestations, as embodied in the conduct of individuals or communities, is imprudent and unpolite. To employ the sarcastic language which a humorous American writer puts into the mouth of this class (for there is in the United States, on the question of slavery, a large number of these abstract philanthropists),

"I'm willing a man should go toll'able strong

Again wrong in the abstract, for that kind o' wrong,

Is always unpop'lar, and never gets pitied,
Because its a crime no one ever committed."

you

So it is also in reference to war. We meet with discreet and amiable men, who will allow you to expatiate at any reasonable length on such generalities as the folly, the impolicy, the inhumanity, and the unchristian character of the military system, but who become nervous and agitated, when adventure to apply this theoretical morality to any event of contemporary history, or to the conduct of living statesmen and politicians. To lay your finger upon the line of policy adopted by some influential public character, who by his measures is exposing to hazard the peace of the world, and to say that is wrong, is to be too personal. To condemn any particular transaction, in which an actually existing government has been engaged, and which has palpably violated all the abstract principles you have before established, is to be too political. To expose the folly or criminality of the course adopted by a foreign state, is to interfere in what does not concern us. To call in question the proceedings of our own, is to "speak evil of dignities," and to refuse to be subject to "the powers that be." On the whole, according to these counsellors, while statesmen are fomenting animosities and quarrels between the countries of the world, and while the nations are rushing into the thick of battle, and filling God's earth with devastation and carnage, the wisest and safest course for the friends of peace, is to "sit retired on a hill apart," and demonstrate by elaborate and reiterated reasoning that war is an evil and unchristian custom. We wish to speak with no disrespect of those who conscientiously hold these views. We only ask permission to express our unfeigned astonishment, that those who are sincerely interested in the progress of pacific principles should imagine this the best course for the attainment of their object.

We rejoice that the American Peace Society has not so judged. On the contrary, coming down from the vague region of generalities, they have seized, with a wise and manly courage, on the occasion afforded by the late Mexican war to bring home to their own government and fellow-citizens, in the way of pointed practical application, the great Christian principles, which in common with ourselves they have been so long theoretically proclaiming.

We cannot express too strongly our own sense of the rectitude and usefulness of the course they have taken. We believe it to be eminently right and just for the Christian portion of the community, especially those who are associated expressly for the maintenance and diffusion of peace, to go forth and confront their own countrymen when they are returning flushed and intoxicated from the scenes of unrighteous

triumphs, and to say to them, not insolently, nor in the spirit of political partisanship, but calmly, resolutely, with mingled tenderness and rebuke, "You have sinned, you have perverted that which is right, and no false sentiment of national honour shall induce us to hold our peace this day." This our American friends have done promptly, bravely, decisively.

While the war was yet raging, they issued a proposal for a Prize of Five Hundred Dollars, for "the best Review of the Mexican War on the principles of Christianity and an enlightened statesmanship." The result has been the publication of the two works at the head of this article, the former of which gained the prize. Before proceeding to examine more in detail these admirable productions, we would pause for a moment, to suggest to our own friends the wisdom and advantage of pursuing the same course in regard to our wars in India. The flagrant injustice of many of those wars, the wanton recklessness with which they have been provoked, the enormous amount of misery and bloodshed they have occasioned, and the deplorable consequences of every kind to which they have led, cryingly demand exposure. The people of this country are most imperfectly informed as to the system of violence and military predominance practised in our Eastern possessions. We cannot conceive of a better application of property, than if some wealthy member or members of our society were to offer such a prize for an essay on our Indian wars, as would assure the subject being taken up by writers thoroughly competent to do justice to the theme.

But to return to the works before us. We own that we have been affected with profound melancholy at the spirit manifested of late by the American people. In common with myriads of men in Europe, we have been wont to turn to that great western commonwealth, which has grown so miraculously before the wondering eyes of the old world, with emotions of unspeakable and exulting hope, as about to realize the poet's fond anticipation, that it would become "Time's noblest offspring and its last." Freed from those pernicious feudal and military traditions which have struck their gnarled roots so deeply into the European soil, and which render the cultivation of pacific ideas and habits so unspeakably difficult, we looked to see that virgin land readily welcome the seeds of justice and humanity, and, in the waving crops of national virtue and prosperity they produced, present an example which might allure other nations to engage more earnestly in the same wise and profitable husbandry. But, alas for our hopes the Americans are so deeply smitten with admiration, of the brutal exploits and glories of war, which the history of Europe exhibits, that they seem disposed to turn aside from the most magnificent prospect that ever opened before a people's destinies, and to enter upon the vulgar path of military emulation, as the true way to national greatness. Miserable infatuation! Are there not means of distinction enough for them, in occupying and cultivating the boundless. territories which offer their fertile and illimitable resources to their industry; in building the secure and lofty fabric of their great Republic, as the home of liberty and improvement; in teaching all nations by the inspiration of their example, how freedom and order may be combined to shed their blessings on the head of humanity; in diffusing by moral and commercial influence over the mighty continent they inhabit, their own admirable qualities of vigour, earnestness, and enterprise, so as to infuse new life into other effete and antiquated communities? These and a thousand other means of winning national renown are open before them, and yet they prefer to imitate the braggart air of the world's brutal childhood, and to hold forth their hands to Europe, all dabbled with human blood, as the chosen ground of their plea for admission to national equality! It is a most pitiful and degrading spectacle!

We earnestly hope that this perverse and downward propensity will be in some measure arrested by the publication of these two essays, containing a most searching and faithful exposure of the follies, the crimes, and the miseries of the Mexican war. As neither of these works have been published, nor are perhaps likely to be published in England, and are replete with matter full of interest and instruction, we shall in all probability frequently avail ourselves of their contents. Mr. Livermore's essay takes more the moral, Mr. Jay's the political ground; but both are excellent in their way.

The former is written in a beautiful style, simple, flowing, and harmonious, and often tinged with the hues of a fine poetic fancy. He begins by investigating the circumstances. predisposing to the war. Among these he mentions one,"the pride of race," which leads them to imagine that the 'Anglo-Saxons' are going forward by a sort of irresistible destiny to universal predominance. This sentiment prevails to a certain extent even in England, but it has reached the We have been surmost extravagant height in America. prised and pained to observe, even among men from whom we had a right to expect better things, a disposition to justify the most unprincipled and outrageous violation of right and justice, and international law, such as was lately exhibited in the buccaneering expedition to Cuba, on the ground of this assumed destiny of the Anglo-Saxon race to the possession of the world.

We need not remind our readers, who are conversant with history, that the same inordinate arrogance has revealed itself before, in some of the nations of antiquity. The Romans especially deemed themselves fated to undisputed supremacy over all the peoples of the earth; and we know the result. It tempted them to the commission of the most gigantic crimes, to verify their own presentiment, and that unbounded lust of conquest and extended territory, which was the fruit of this feeling, became itself the prelude and instrument of their fall. The following are the eloquent words of Mr. Livermore, which both branches of the Anglo-Saxon race will do well to ponder :

Again; the pride of race has swollen to still greater insolence the pride of country, always quite active enough for the due observance of the claims of universal brotherhood. The Anglo-Saxons have been apparently persuaded to think themselves the chosen people, the anointed race of the Lord, commissioned to drive out the heathen, and plant their religion and institutions in every Canaan they could subjugate. The idea of a 'destiny' connected with this race has gone far to justify, if not to sanctify, many an act on either side of the Atlantic, for which both England and the United States, if nations can be personified, ought to hang their heads in shame, and weep scalding tears of repentance. When they can produce Mosaic commission from the Almighty King of kings, to diffuse the gospel of peace at the point of the bayonet, or the benign arts and sciences of a civilized age by the brute force of an earlier period, it will be quite time enough to consider their authority. Meanwhile, the inquiry presses powerfully, Are these same destined AngloSaxon missionaries so immaculate in their character, so wise in their great national ideas, and so unbendingly true in their realization of them, that they have earned a title or authenticated a divine right,' to conquer and colonize the rest of God's earth? And when, on one shore, we have taken the gauge of Ireland's woes and wrongs, and the oppressions of the factories, collieries, ships, and colonies of England; and, on the other shore, recalled the repudiation of state debts, the slavery of three millions of immortal beings, and the endless wrongs of the natives of the soil which we so proudly tread, to enumerate no other crimes, we shall admit with great reluctance, that either of the gigantic progenies of the Anglo-Saxon race has established, by past wisdom, fidelity, or consistency, a presumptive title to be appointed guardian over the decrepit races of the Eastern or Western hemisphere. They may, doubtless, plead the right of might; but that is far from being the might of right. They may use the old

appeal, ultima ratio regum, the ultimate resort of kings, and alas! we now see, of republics too; but so long as they have no more divine method than that of civilizing the savage, and Christianizing the heathen, they are held down by an eternal gravitation to the vulgar level of

'Macedonia's madman and the Swede.'

True, they possess arts and arms, but there are even more potent agents than these in the progress of humanity. Have we read the history of sixty centuries, and failed to learn even the alphabet of the sublime lessons she would teach-that truth, love, righteousness, great and heavenly principles only, can worthily and successfully preside over the processes of human improvement? It is still an unsettled question, whether the Crusades, the Norman conquest, or the wars of the old French Revolution, did more evil or good. But there is not the glimmer of a doubt, that the mariner's compass, the art of printing, the steamboat, the railroad, and the telegraph, have been ministers of good to mankind. We must be dull scholars in the Christian love, and the veriest laggards in the work of the present age-if we still cherish the old folly of ambition and vain-glory, that has demonized the nations of the dead. But not to dwell longer upon considerations that will come up again in another connection, none can be blind to the pride of race, as one of the causes that has prompted the hostilities in Mexico."-pp. 8—10.

Mr. Livermore then proceeds to search for the "chief motive of the war," which we think he has abundantly demonstrated, from indisputable official documents, to have been nothing else than the extension of slavery. What a motive! How one iniquity leads to the commission of another! But we must pass on from this point, to give our readers a glimpse at some of the scenes enacted on the actual field of warfare. Let them remember that the agents and the sufferers alike were at least nominally Christians, professed followers of Him who said, "By this shall all men know that ye are my disciples, because ye love one another." We take our selections from what Mr. Livermore calls with something like sarcastic significance, "legitimate barbarosities of the war."

"A correspondent of the Alton Telegraph, writing from Vera. Cruz, says, The French families in the city were the greatest sufferers. I heard a great many heart-rending tales which were told by the survivers with breaking hearts; but I have neither the inclination nor the time now to repeat them. One, however, I will name. A French family were quietly seated in their parlour the evening previous to the hoisting of the white flag, when a shell from one of the mortars penetrated the building, and exploded in the room, killing the mother and four children, and wounding the residue. Another shell struck the charity hospital, penetrated the roof, bursting in the room where the sick inmates were lying, and killed twenty-three. Thus rushed into eternity, in the twinkling of an eye, not only the invalid, but the innocent and unoffending. Such are a few of the horrors and fearful calamities that have marked the progress of the siege and capture.' "Sketches still more graphic and heart-rending are given in the Advertiser, Auburn, N. Y., from E. C. Hine.

"After penetrating some distance,' he says, ' I paused and looked around me. Save our little party, not an American was to be seen. We were literally alone in an enemy's city. We were the first of our countrymen who had entered Vera Cruz.

"Never had I beheld such destruction of property. Scarcely a house did I pass that did not show some great rent by the bursting of our bomb-shells. At almost every house at which I paused to examine the destruction occasioned by these dreadful messengers of death, some of the family, if the house did not happen to Le deserted, would come to the door, and, inviting me to enter, point out their property destroyed, and, with a pitiful sigh, exclaim, La bomba! la bomba!' (The bomb! the bomb!) My heart ached for the poor creatures.

"During my peregrinations, I came to a lofty and noble mansion, in which a terrible bomb-shell had exploded, and laid the whole front of the house in ruins. While I was examining the awful havoc created, a beautiful girl of some seventeen came to the door, and invited me into the house. She pointed to the furniture of the mansion torn into fragments, and the piles of rub