Mr. Richard then read the Report of the Peace Congress Committee, which congratulated the friends of Peace on the gratifying success which had attended their efforts to hold Continental Congresses for promoting international peace, especially that held at Frankfort in the month of August of the present year; reference was also made to the interesting mission of Messrs. Sturge, Burritt, and Wheeler, to Denmark and the Duchies of Schleswig-Holstein, which the Committee believed to have been highly favourable to the cause of peace. The Finance Committee stated that the resolution made at a previous Conference to raise the sum of £5000., had been successfully carried out, of which a balance of nearly £1000. remained to the credit of the Peace Congress Committee. The Treasurer's statement was then read.

The first resolution was moved by Richard Cobden, Esq.,—

"That the Report now read be received, adopted and printed; and that this meeting would devoutly acknowledge its gratitude to God for the success which has attended the operations of the Committee, especially in connexion with the Congress at Frankfort, and would renew the expression of their attachment to the cause of Peace, and their determination to use their utmost efforts to promote its extension and triumph."

Mr. Cobden said, that speaking as a member and subscriber of the Peace Congress, he wished to express his entire satisfaction with the proceedings of the Peace Congress Committee, which he thought reflected great credit upon the zeal and discretion of those who had the conduct of the business.

William Dillwyn Sims, Esq., of Ipswich, seconded the resolution.

The second resolution was moved by J. S. Buckingham, Esq.— "That this meeting has heard with great satisfaction the statement of the Finance Committee just laid before them, and would present to the gentlemen composing that Committee its best thanks for the admirable manner in which they have fulfilled their trust." He expressed his deep regret that he had been unable to attend the Congresses at Paris and Frankfort, but he had not failed as opportunity offered, to keep alive the great subject of peace. He congratulated the meeting on the favourable condition of the balance sheet which had just been submitted, and which they owed in great part to the efficient manner in which the Finance Committee had discharged the duties confided to their care.

The third resolution was moved by Thomas Box, Esq., and seconded by John Jones, Esq.,

"That the following gentlemen be a Sub-Committee to attend to the necessary business in the interval between this time and the re-construction of the Peace Congress Committee: Messrs. Cooper, Sterry, Barrett, Gilpin, and Richard, who are instructed as the period for holding the next Congress approaches, to summon a Conference of the friends of peace, at such time and place as they may deem suitable, in order to re-appoint the Peace Congress Committee."

A long and interesting conversation then ensued, respecting the best time to hold the Congress in London, next year, when it was moved by Henry Sterry, Esq., and seconded by Joseph Cooper, Esq.,

"That so far as this Conference can at present judge, they would recommend that the Congress should be held in London about the middle of July, but would leave the final decision of the time to the Sub-Committee, in conjunction with the Committees of Brussels, Paris, and Frankfort."

We regret we have no space for the Report, but as it has been already sent to all the Subscribers, it is of less importance.

The Statement of the Cash Account shows an amount received of

To which must be added Subscriptions collected

£4,614 14 3

457 12 0 £5,072 6 3

4,073 0 3

£999 6 0

LECTURES AT THE HALL OF COMMERCE. THE annual course of lectures, which for a considerable number of years has been delivered in the City of London, during the winter months, under the auspices of the Peace Society, has been continued this year at the Hall of Commerce, with encouraging and satisfactory results. We regret that we can do no more than present a brief and condensed summary of the statements and arguments employed, by the respective lecturers, The attendance was good throughout, and the audiences manifested not only great interest, but the liveliest sympathy with the sentiments advanced, and the general objects which the Society seeks to attain

The first lecture was given by Mr. Samuel Bowly, of Gloucester, on the 26th of November, Mr. John Scoble in the chair. The subject discussed was, "The power of passive resistance to overcome evil.

"The lecturer observed that the principles of universal peace were not founded upon some new theory, but were based upon the principles of Christianity. It had been said that war was sanctioned by the Divine Being, as shown by the Old Testament; but we must not take certain parts of the Old Testament to justify our argument; and he would add that, in his opinion, the Mosaic law was abrogated by the Christian dispensation. He spoke of the anomaly of those who admitted that Christianity was the doctrine of universal peace, and professed themselves to be Christians hoping to be saved through Christ, and at the same time sent their sons into the army or navy to cut the throats of their fellow-men. If they could persuade away that part of the New Testament which laid down the principles of peace and charity, they might persuade away all the rest. And if Christianity, minus its peace, was to be preached in our churches, they should write up over them Christianity partially taught here.' He did not mean to say that there would be no suffering under peace principles. Christianity taught us to bear suffering with patience; and if we were truly Christians we must expect to suffer occasionally in person and property; but any suffering that could result in either from following out those principles would be infinitely less than was produced by war.

"He next referred to capital punishments, which he strongly condemned, on the ground that man had no right, under any circumstances, to take away the life of another. That it was revolting to our feeling was evident, by the disgust with which we regarded the executioner, who, as an officer, should, if his office were really neces sary for the preservation of society, be as much respected as any other officer of justice. Then we allowed that even the murderer might repent and be saved, or we should not send the chaplain to him, and give him time to repent ; and if he repent, are we justified in taking away the life of a fellow-believer and a brother in Christ? And if he did not repent, were we justified in destroying the soul of a fellow-man? He spoke also in condemnation of resisting criminal attempts at robbery to the extent of taking away life, and expressed his belief that had the clergyman lately murdered at Frimley acted have been living now. upon that principle, though he might have lost his money, he would The lecturer quoted a variety of instances of differences between men being adjusted, robbers overcome and brought back to honest practices, and of men travelling in company with, and guided and protected by, Spanish smugglers and Italian assassins, by adhering to peace principles: avoiding arms, and returning to all evil for good-amongst them he referred to the case of the Rev. Rowland Hill, who, having been attacked by a highway robber, gave the man what he required; and finding that he acted under the pressure of distress, took him into his service as coachman, where he remained till his death. He adverted also, as showing the power of peace principles in protecting those who professed them and adhered consistently to them, to the fact that of the large number of Friends' scattered over Ireland during the rebellionwhen from their exercising the same kindness to both parties they were exposed in turn to the suspicion of both-one only fell a victim; and of him it was said that he had in some respect violated the principles of the Society of which he was a member. So also, in America, in the wars with the Indians, according to Thomas Chalkley, amongst the many hundreds of that body there, three only were killed; and of them two lost their faith and went armed, and the other sought the protection of a fort, but all the rest who went about unarmed were treated with kindness, even by these uncivilized children of the wilds. Then turning from individuals to nations, he contended that men should act in their collective, as they did in their individual capacity. He ridiculed the argument that wars were necessary to preserve our property. Mexico had been conquered by the Americans, but had the Mexican landowners therefore lost their property? Or would the landholders, or the holders of railways, or other property, here lose their property, supposing a foreign nation did attack and conquer us? Oh,

but it is said, if a foreign nation conquers you, though they may not take your property, they will tax it heavily. He doubted much, even if this country had been conquered by France, if we should have had to pay more taxes than we had, and that Louis Philippe would have burdened us more than Pitt had done. But he held that by pursuing peace principles we should more effectually defend ourselves against foreign nations than by arms. Was it to be supposed that foreigners would attack us, when they could gain far more from us by commerce than by conquest? If we had confined ourselves to trading with India, instead of conquering it, we should have been far greater gainers by our connection with that country than we had been. If Cromwell had adhered to the moral force principle, instead of resorting to war and bloodshed, all the advantages which resulted from the revolution would have been obtained, and without the reaction which followed. Daniel O'Connell (whose conduct he did not in all respects approve of) knew the value of the moral force principle; and by carrying it out he obtained all he demanded. It had been asked, was not George Washington justified in going to war to achieve the independence of America? He thought not. No one admired George Washington more than he did, but he thought the Americans, when oppressed by England, should have met that oppression by moral force only-by refusing to pay taxes; and had they done so they would have been quite as successful, without sacrificing so many hundreds of lives. The recent proceedings at the Cape of Good Hope were a practical proof of the power of peaceful resistance. The state of Pennsylvania was another instance. For seventy years that state maintained itself, without any armed force, free from the disputes and difficulties to which the other states were constantly liable, but no sooner did Pennsylvania abandon the peace principle than she became involved in similar disputes and difficulties. He contended that all experience proved that, if as a nation we adhered to that principle, we should be politically, socially, as well as religiously, a more happy people. The lecturer was warmly applauded throughout by a numerous audience, of which a number of ladies formed part.

"A vote of thanks was then passed to the lecturer, proposed by the Rev. Mr. Tyler, and seconded by Mr. Richard, who ridiculed a charge brought by a Mr. Clarke, at a recent anti-popery meeting, that the Peace Society were in league with the Pope; and observed that Mr. Cobden, and the other members of the society, would be surprised when they heard they were Jesuits in disguise."

The second lecture was delivered on December 3rd, by the Rev. Henry Richard, secretary of the society, on "The Disastrous Influence of Standing Armies on the Finances of States and the Liberty and Morality of Nations." Mr. Charles Gilpin occupied the chair. The lecturer began by inquiring what a standing army really is. We are so familiarized with their existence, and so much under the influence of artificial and conventional ideas, as to their character, that we do not fairly perceive their true nature. But what would be the just definition of a standing army, when stripped of the fine names with which society is wont to disguise its own follies and crimes? Would it not be this: A body of men separated from the rest of the community, and supported at the expense of the state, whose whole life is devoted to acquiring and practising, scientifically, skilfully, and with the utmost attainable precision and effect, the art of destroying human life and property? The lecturer then quoted some passages from the work of Majorgeneral Charles Napier, on Military Law," in illustration of the views taken by military men themselves, of the moral slavery of the soldier's condition. He then adverted to the pamphlet of Baron von Reden, addressed to the members of the Peace Congress at Frankfort, and stated the substance of that gentleman's calculations as to the present war-forces of Europe, amounting to four millions of men, supported at an expense of nearly £120,000,000 annually. The result was the finances of all European states were in a most deplorable condition, which was illustrated by reference to France, Austria, Prussia, Russia and England. The lecturer then entered into a more detailed examination of the standing armaments of this country, shewing their numerical strength, and the immense increase that had taken place during the last twenty years, as well as the enormous expense they involved, the effects of which were seen in the burdensome weight of taxation laid upon all classes, but falling in a manner specially hard and distressing on working men. A brief historical sketch was then given of the gradual rise of standing armies in England, for the last two centuries, showing how the most enlightened statesmen of all political parties, and especially the Whigs, had denounced them in the strongest language, as inconsistent with the British Constitution, and dangerous to the people's liberties. The arguments usually adduced in defence of these establishments were examined

and refuted at considerable length, and the lecturer concluded, by insisting upon the wisdom and the absolute necessity, in order to save Europe from ruin, of acting on the recommendation put forth by the Peace Congress, that all governments should enter upon a course of simultaneous disarmament.

The lecturer was several times interrupted by a military officer, Major Edwards, who at the conclusion of the lecture addressed the meeting, expressing his respect for the motives by which the members of the Peace Society were actuated, but declaring his conviction, that the world can never be governed except by the power of the sword.

A vote of thanks to Mr. Richard, was moved by Major Edwards, and seconded by Mr. Frederick Tucket, and carried unanimously. The third lecture was delivered on December 10th, by the Rev. Thomas Spencer, A.M. The chair was occupied by J. Barrett, Esq. The subject was, "The Influence of Commerce in preserving and extending Peace; with a reference to the Exhibition of 1851." He could not, he said, consider that he was out of his province, as a clergyman, in promoting the interests of peace and commerce. Peace and commerce had much to do with religion, and religion should be carried out and exemplified in every man's ordinary transactions. Those subjects, therefore, could not be out of place in the pulpit. Religion promoted both peace and industry. It was said that the Bible spoke of war, and that on many occasions God had expressly commanded war, and had raised up men purposely to carry it on that was true; but God was prominently the God of Peace, and war was his "strange work." Besides, it was one thing for men to obey an express command of God, and another to follow the dictates of their own will and passions. Abraham, the “friend of God," was eminently a man of peace, as was evidenced in his conduct towards Lot. David frequently engaged in battle, but it could not be proved that he was a lover of war; and it was evident, from a fact in his history, that his frequent engagement in war disqualified him from accomplishing a work on which his heart was set" Thou hast shed blood abundantly, and hast made great wars; thou shalt not build a house unto my name." But Solomon, his son, whose very name signified peace, built that house; and during his reign of peace he entered into large commercial treaties with neighbouring and distant nations. In the New Testament, Christ, the Prince of Peace, preached and exemplified the doctrine of universal peace and good-will, and every man who called himself a follower of Christ, ought to copy Christ's example. It was not enough to speak in favour of peace, or to write about it in a newspaper; he must seek the things which made for peace, and " follow peace" with all men-and with all nations, too-if he would be instrumental in bringing about the time when "swords should be beaten into ploughshares, and spears into pruning hooks." Christ, as the King of kings, never did, nor sanctioned violence, and thus he set a pattern to kings and princes, who, in most cases, sent their subjects to fight, while they themselves remained in safety at home. It was objected, "if we adopt such principles, and act upon them, injury will ensue to ourselves:" but if it be the will of God, they were bound to act, let the consequences be what they might. That was the principle on which the martyrs acted; and if men did but exercise confidence in the overruling providence of God, they would act very differently to what they did in general. The rev. lecturer then referred more particularly to the influence of commerce in preserving and extending peace. That, he observed, was seen in the case of individual tradesmen. The butcher depended on the baker, and the baker on the butcher, and hence they were at peace with cach other. So Manchester with its manufactures was dependent on Liverpool with its merchandize, and rice versa, and hence friendly relations were maintained. Were there no trade between them, they might be prejudiced against each other, and angry feuds might occasionally arise. Mutual intercourse rubbed off sharp angles, and prevented animosities. Where men met for the purpose of making bargains, they shook hands with each other; but if when they met they shook their fists in each other's faces, what wonder if battle ensued? That principle alone kept our colonies at peace with us: they found it to their interest to keep peace for the sake of their trade, though it was made evident on occasions that they were not fully satisfied with all our conduct towards them. If a quarrel seemed likely between England and America, who would be the parties to put a stop to it? Not statesmen, but merchants; and why? Because their property was at stake. It was that principle which kept the United States of America together. One State did not meddle with the affairs of another. But they had treaties of peace, of free trade with each other; one State supplying what another had need of. They had a Congress of nations to settle all disputes. A remarkable instance occurred in reference to the Oregon question, while he (the lecturer) was in America. The members of Congress made long speeches, in the course of which they hurled haughty defiance at

Great Britain; and had the friends of peace, or the English, spoken out at that time, or expressed any decided opinion, the war-flame would have burst forth. But just at the time, when these flaming orators had printed their speeches, and were about to send them to their constituents, the news arrived that Sir Robert Peel had determined on the repeal of the corn-laws. It became evident that the people of Ohio, and the corn-growing countries, would not agree to war against a people to whom they were likely to dispose largely of their corn, and the speeches, though printed, were thrown into the fire. Thus, the love of commerce drove out the desire for war. The Americans, who had determined to establish their own manufactories, out of spite to John Bull, who would not take their corn, abandoned their design, and determined to cultivate their lands, and exchange the produce for English manufactures. What was falsely called protection, only provoked jealousy, and led certain parties to wish for war. So how very different was the feeling which now prevailed in France, compared with what it was many years ago. Then war was raging, and no commerce was going on. But peace came; commerce was established; commodities and visits were interchanged; intermarriages took place; and if that spirit were maintained much longer, war would not be possible. It was time that we were tired of war. Millions had been expended-lives had been destroyed-the productions of the earth had been trampled down-commerce had been impaired-prosperity and comfort had been impeded; and so it would ever be where war prevailed. What would the German and Danish quarrels do? It would settle no difference; that must be done by deliberations and conferences; and why should it not be so settled without fighting? If, instead of keeping 800,000 men for purposes of war, they were set to till the ground, and to produce useful articles, how greatly would the world Men who tried to put an end to quarrels were be benefited! doing God's work, and preventing the sad destruction of lives and property. If their advice were taken, right would prevail over might, and, as God was on the side of right, they would ensure the divine blessing. The lecturer stated that it was the intention of the committee to hold a Congress of Peace in London during the Exhibition of 1851; and they would be able to produce a commodity more beautiful and valuable than any other that could be presented, for it was said, "How beautiful on the mountains are the feet of those that publish peace!" The effect of men coming from all parts of the globe would be to make them friends. They would behold our institutions, and judge for themselves; and their visit would not only be rendered agreeable, but would be the means of forming lasting bonds of union. When the friends of peace visited Paris, the French showed them great honour, such as they were accustomed only to show to crowned heads; let the kindness be returned and many hearts would be knit together.

The Rev. W. H. Bonner, minister of Unicorn-yard Chapel, Tooley-street, proposed a resolution of thanks to the lecturer, and declared his cordial approval of the principles of the society. Russell Jeffrey, Esq., seconded the resolution, observing that the lecturer had recommended action in preference to mere words. The resolution having been carried unanimously, and acknowledged, the Rev. Mr. Richard, the secretary, announced the intention of the committee to have Peace tracts printed in various languages, to be placed in the hands of foreigners who might visit the Metropolis in 1851, but for this ample funds would be required. It was, he said, sometimes asked, "What has the Peace Society done?" He could observe in reply, that it had been greatly instrumental in reducing the military and naval expenditure from eighteen millions and a-half to about fourteen millions and a-half.*

RUMOURED INCREASE OF THE ARMY.

In the British Army Despatch of December 13, appeared the following announcement, the substance of which has since gone the round of many of the papers, metropolitan and provincial :—

IMPORTANT AND UNEXPECTED MOVE OF TROOPS. "HIS GRACE THE COMMANDER-IN-CHIEF has expressed an opinion that the safety of the country cannot in any degree be reckoned on, during the year next ensuing, without an additional military force of 50,000 men being added to the establishment.

"A partial enrolment of the Militia is contemplated for furthering this object. An augmentation of the Army in Ireland is likewise deemed of paramount necessity. These points will furnish matter for serious disquisition of considerable interest at an early period of the coming session.

"We are further enabled to add, that in the event of the proposed measure being negatived, an alteration in the wording of the first page of the Monthly Army List may be confidently expected.

*The report of the last lecture, delivered by the Rev. Dr. Massie, will be given in our next.

"We do not, however, anticipate any objection on the part of the Legislature to so essential a measure as preparing ourselves for whatever emergency may happen, consequent upon the enormous influx of foreigners expected to visit London at the Great Exhibition. To collect a strong force at any given point on pressing occasion, is notoriously impossible with the crippled means now placed at the disposal of the authorities. And assuredly to expose our palpable weakness before every European nation, and that, too, in the very heart of the metropolis, would be tantamount to stolidity, unaccountable as the inconsistencies of a maniac."

This furnishes a very edifying illustration of the restless watchfulness with which the military party in this country is ready to seize on any and every pretext, to promote their favoured project of augmenting the army, and opening the prospect of higher promotion and pay for themselves. We thought when we first read the above, that the force of impudence could no further go. The English nation is about to invite the civilized world to its shores, to join in commemorating at a great world's festival the triumphs of industry and the peaceful arts, with the avowed object of drawing mankind into closer bonds of commercial inter-dependence and social friendship, and our military wiseacres think that is a fitting opportunity for exhibiting to our guests, in the most offensive form which it would be possible to conceive, our jealousy and distrust. Let any body imagine what his feelings would be, if, having accepted an invitation that was most hospitably pressed upon him to join a large party at a friend's house, he found on arriving that the host had provided himself with a large number of policemen to watch his guests lest they should quarrel with each other, or steal his silver spoons. We thought it hardly

possible that our Government could be guilty of so monstrous an intention as is above inscribed to them. We took the trouble, however, to consult the other journals which are considered as the organs of the Army and Navy. In the United Service Gazette of December 31, we found the following formal and emphatic contradiction of the report :

RUMOURED INCREASE TO THE ARMY. "It is far from our wish-and our readers know it is not our practice to attempt to cast discredit upon rumours of a gratifying character, simply because they proceed from contemporaries. We are only too happy, when our own resources fail, to borrow from accredited quarters, and render due acknowledgment of the loan; but when reports are put forth which have not a shadow of good foundation, and are only calculated to raise false expectations, it becomes a duty to expose their instability, and warn the public against being led astray by so untrustworthy a guide.

"Last week a contemporary gravely announced that an intention exists of augmenting the Army by some fifty thousand men, and that if this wholesale measure were not carried out, we should soon see an alteration in the first page of the Army List.' This last mysterious announcement might mean any one of a variety of things; but, of course, the true interpretation of it, with reference to the context is, that if the army be not increased, the Duke of Wellington will resign.

"We are not sufficiently in his Grace's secrets to know whether he really meditates such a signal mark of his displeasure, or whether this is an old expression raked up from the discussions of 1848, when the National Defence question was on the tapis. This, however, we do know--and our readers may rely upon it firmly—there is no intention whatever of augmenting the force by a single man; on the contrary, a further diminution will probably take place soon after the meeting of Parliament. Lord Grey is bent upon carrying out the destructive policy which leaves England and her colonies with the smallest imaginable amount of troops.

"We do not profess to have very peculiar sources of information, but we will stake our reputation of eighteen years' standing, against our contemporary's confidence,' that all his fifty thousand men will turn out a matter of mere moonshine."

GREAT PEACE DEMONSTRATION AT BIRMINGHAM. Birmingham, November 28th.

ON Monday, November 27, a public meeting was held in the Town Hall in this town, to receive a report on the subject of the recent Peace Conference at Frankfort. William Lucy, Esq., the Mayor and High Bailiff, presided. The Hall was crammed in every part; in fact, excepting at an election, no meeting at all equalling it has been seen here for many years; but apart from its numerical strength, it was most remarkable for its respectability; there were present most of the influential persons in the town and many from the neighbourhood; there were many

borough magistrates, aldermen, and town councillors, and the remaining audience was, with scarcely an exception, composed of the most intelligent and right-thinking portion of this community. We deeply regret that our space will not permit us to give any report of this important demonstration beyond stating in general, that it was addressed by Mr. Sturge, Professor Worms of Hamburg, the Rev. John Angell James, Mr. Cobden, and Mr. Bright, in speeches of great interest and power. There are several

points, especially in Mr. Cobden's speech, to which we must advert hereafter, especially the exposure he made of the atrocious sentiments published in a Shanghae newspaper. If the spirit they betray is permitted to pass unrebuked by the English government, then surely the time is not far distant when we shall have another Chinese War on our hands. We trust, however, that Mr. Cobden, or some other member of parliament, will not fail to bring the matter in some form before the attention of the legislature.

ENLARGEMENT OF THE PEACE SOCIETY'S PREMISES. THE Peace Society is now in full occupation of its enlarged and improved premises in Broad-street, the necessity and value of which become more apparent every day. The cost of the building and repairs (by contract, which has not been exceeded) amounts to £335; and architect's bill, expense of lease, fittings (including stoves, gas, blinds, shelves, &c.), together with necessary office-furniture, to about £120 more. The whole amount at present subscribed being £267 4s. 6d, a charge remains upon the funds of the Society of about £190.

The Committee are very unwilling that this sum should be taken from the ordinary income of the Society, and would earnestly call upon such of their friends who have not yet contributed to this fund, kindly to assist them in the case.

SUBSCRITIONS TO THE BUILDING FUND.

.

1 0

0 Candlish, Mrs.

026

0 2

0 Hills, Mr. J.

0 10 0

0 10

0 Hills, Mr. James

026

0 5

0 Moore, A. J.

0

2

6 Mounsey, Mr. John

0 10 0

Stockton-on-Tees. Bennington, Mr. William Bowron, Mr. James Branlingham, Mr. J.. Braithwaite, Mr. Samuel Braithwaite, Mr. George Brayshay, Mr. William. Byers, Mr. Joshua Clepham, Mr. William Clepham, Mr. John Close, Mr. T. Dodshon, Mr. R. Mills, Mr. Thomas Read ham, Mr. J. Robson, Mr. William Romyn, Mr. P.. Skinner, Mr. William Walker, Mr. Charles. Weldon, Mr. William Weatherall, Mr. Joseph Collection after Lecture. (Less expenses, printing, &c., 11s. 6d.) Sunderland.

thers

6 Wright, Messrs. R. and Son

Newcastle-on-Tyne.

Daglish and Ismay, Messrs. Morland, Mr. Thomas 0 10 0 Parsons, Mr. E.

.

Spence and Capper, Messrs. Swanston, Mr. W.

200 0

G. B.

5 5

Mr. Thomas Wells, Ship

ston.

0 Collection, after Lecture by

Rev Dr Massie, at the
Hall of Commerce.

6 Mr. Thomas A. Crow (2

500

quarters).

Mr. Daniel Sturge

W. F. Chambers, Esq., M.D. 1 1 0 60 Mr. John Barclay

Great Bardfield, by Rev. H. Richard. | Hadwen, Henry

Of Messrs. David Harris Smith, George Bottomley, and John Thistlethwaite, Executors of late William Wilson, Legacy, free £ of duty

Clause in the Will of William Wilson, late of Bradford, in the County of York, Gentleman, dated 16th of Eleventh Month, 1849, and who died the 23rd of Eleventh Month, 1849:

"I give and bequeath unto the Treasurer or Treasurers, for the time being, of the Society for the Promotion of Permanent and Universal Peace, established in London in the year 1816, the sum of Two Hundred Pounds. The Legacy Duty to be paid by the Executors.

TO THE FUND FOR THE TRANSLATION AND DISTRIBUTION OF TRACTS IN FOREIGN LANGUAGES AT THE GREAT EXHIBITION OF 1851.

Newcastle, by Mr. E. Richardson.

Donation from that Auxi

Newcastle.

Donations, by Mr. W. Stokes.
Banbury.

Joseph A. Gillett, Esq. . 0 10 0

SUBSCRIPTIONS TO THE

0 10 6

Freelove, Mr. Francis

Smith, Mr. Joseph

0 2 6 Mansergh, John

5

0

10 0 McRaith, Hamilton

0 10

0 Milner, Anthony.

0 2

liary.

No. VIII. NEW SERIES.

COLONIZATION BY CONQUEST.

WHEN one part of the world has greatly increased in population, in wealth, in intelligence, in acquaintance with the arts. of civilization, and especially when it possesses a form of religious faith, whose tendencies to bless and elevate humanity are attested by the accumulated testimony of centuries, it is natural, it is right, nay, it is a sacred and imperative duty, that it should seek access to other parts less highly favoured, for the two-fold purpose of gaining a wider expanse for the development of its own energies, and of diffusing more extensively the blessings it enjoys, among them. Colonization has been one main instrument in the world's progress. There are, however, two ways of doing this. We may colonize by sending our citizens to cultivate the unoccupied wastes of the earth, and by friendly and pacific means, extend the influence of Christianity and commerce, among the nations or tribes who indigenously inhabit the country of their adoption. There is abundant evidence to prove that by acting on principles of justice and humanity, in all their intercourse with the natives, and by the diligent use of the arts of peace, such colonies soon become sources of profit and wealth to the parent state. But unhappily such experiments have been very rarely tried. Even Christian nations have usually deemed it a wiser and worthier policy, to colonize by conquest, rather than by Christianity, commerce and civilization. The result is as might be expected. In proportion as the sword is made the instrument in such enterprises, do they prove sterile and worthless, a burden, a vexation, and a curse to the mother country. We have two pregnant instances of this now presented to us in connexion with the recent history of France and our own. The French nation, exceedingly ambitious to acquire a colonial empire, determined some twenty years ago, to take violent possession of Algeria for that purpose. We need not remind our readers of the horrible cruelties which they committed, in carrying this design into execution. The exploit of Colonel Pelisser in smothering five hundred Arabs in the caves of Agra, sent a shudder of indignation throughout Europe, and the whole enterprise was conducted with a total contempt of all the claims of justice, moderation and humanity. And now what is the result? The object, of course, was to increase the territorial strength of France, to furnish an outlet for her surplus population, and a market for her commerce, while in return the productions of the colony were to pour in their wealth into the treasuries of the state. Had she attempted the work of colonization on righteous principles, she might not only have attained all this, but gradually introduced the arts of civilization into Africa. But the system of brute force, which she adopted, has turned what might have been an advantage to herself and a blessing to Algeria, into an unmitigated curse for both. For how stands the case now, at the end of twenty years of this experiment? France has expended upwards of £60,000,000. in creating the colony. A hundred

says the

thousand of her sons have perished on the sands or in the hospitals of Algeria. "An army," says the Times, of "75,000 men is barely sufficient to hold the 'colony' against a hundred tribes, always ready to seize any momentary advantage, and consoling themselves with the thought that every year will add to the richness of the prize." And what profit does the mother country derive from the acquisition gained by so costly a purchase? She has to defray an annual expense, in keeping possession of her prize, of £5,000,000, and receives in return about half a million collected in taxes. "The colonists,' same authority already quoted, "are but a handful of foragers, farriers, and camp sutlers, compared with the host of their armed protectors. After two years' cultivation, Oregon, we are told, is already supplying 100,000 quarters of wheat to California-both of them, till the other day, geographical names, for which one had to spin the globe half round its axis. After twenty years, Algeria, opposite the coast of France, and within four days' sail of Toulon and Marseilles, is unable to feed its garrison. Should France be at war with this country, and be unable to keep the Mediterranean clear from our cruisers, and should the Arabs take the opportunity to revolt and ravage the colony, the French army and population would run considerable risk of being starved in their quarters. Only a short time since and for aught we know it may still be the casean immense quantity of hay was carried by rail from the midland and southern counties of England to London, where it was shipped and conveyed to Oran, and thence many miles into the interior, for the use of the French cavalry. This is military occupation! This is a conquest of many years' standing! This is an agricultural colony! One is reminded of Cleopatra's fishing, when, if the fish would not come to the hook, they were attached to it by divers. With an army of 75,000 men, with an annual expense, taking all things into account, of £5,000,000, and with a dependence on foreign supplies, it is evident that the conquest of Algeria is repeated every year."

Let us now turn to the melancholy parallel to this case afforded by our own military occupation of India. We will not at present advert to the gigantic crimes which disgraced our early rule in that country. We wish now only to call attention to the results that have accrued from colonization by conquest. With a territory so immense, with a soil so productive, with resources so boundless as India affords, who can estimate the amount of reciprocal benefit to the natives and to ourselves, which would have flowed, had we steadily directed the enormous energies that have been wasted on war to developing the commercial capabilities of the country. Unhappily, however, the government of India has always been conducted by the edge of the sword. The consequence has been a succession of desolating and sanguinary wars, by which soldiers, or rather the officers of the army, have been the sole gainers. And how does this system succeed?

The following are the words of a writer in the North British