No. 447, 1945 general assembly, the original of which is now on file and a matter of record in this office. In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and affixed my official seal. RESOLUTION NO. 44 Senate Resolution No. 477: A joint resolution memorializing the Congress of the United States of America on the postwar Military Establishment and the status of the National Guard. Whereas the States and Territories of the Union are jointly interested with the National Government in the postwar military policy to be established by the Congress, based upon the military clauses and the army clauses of the Constitution, thereby directly affecting the military establishments of the respective States in their relationship to the State forces of the Army of the United States; and Whereas certain ones of the many plans and suggestions offered have been presented to the Congress: Now, therefore, be it Resolved by the Senate, the House of Representatives concurring: SECTION 1. That the Congress is respectfully petitioned to preserve, in the postwar military organization, the civilian components of the Army of the United States, specifically the National Guard, the Officers' Reserve Corps, and the Organized Reserves, in line with the provisions of the National Defense Act of 1916, as amended, and especially the provisions of the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940, relating to the status of the National Guard as an integral part of the first line of defense of our Nation. The National Guard and Organized Reserves have made a glorious contribution to the Nation on the battlefields of World War II. Their record in World War I was outstanding. Such contributions are justification to the Congress to providing for the continuance of the National Guard and Reserves as firstline components of the Army of the United States. SEC. 2. That we fully subscribe to and endorse the position taken by the Secretary of War as to the future status of the National Guard, as announced on November 23, 1944, in which he states: "It would be the mission of this reserve component [the National Guard], in the event of a national emergency, to furnish units fit for service anywhere in the world. * * * "This conception of the mission of the National Guard of the United States would interfere in no way with the traditional mission of the National Guard of the States and Territories to provide sufficient organizations in each State, Territory, and the District of Columbia, so trained and equipped as to enable them to function efficiently at existing strength in the protection of life and property and the preservation of peace, order, and public safety, under competent orders of the State authorities. * * National Guard units have played a vital role in the mobilization of our present Army and they have made a brilliant record on every fighting front. We are counting on them as a bulwark of our future national security." We also approve and endorse the statement of Gen. George Marshall, Chief of Staff of the Army of the United States, set forth in War Department Circular No: 347, August 25, 1944, to the effect that the postwar Military Establishment should consist of a professional peacetime army (no larger than necessary to meet normal peacetime requirements) to be reinforced in time of emergency by organized units drawn from the civilian components of the Army of the United States. SFC. 3. That we advocate, in the event that a system of universal military training be included in the postwar plan for the Military Establishment, that such training be integrated with the civilian components of the Army, and specifically the National Guard, the Officers' Reserve Corps, and the Organized Reserves. SEC. 4. That in the discussion of the postwar military policy and the form of the Military Establishment, the fullest opportunity consistent with existing conditions be accorded the officers and men of all components of the Army, who are or who have been serving with the armed forces in time of war, to express their views on this most important matter, to the end that this Nation will adopt a sound military policy consistent with our traditions and which will afford the utmost security to the Nation. SEC. 5. That this resolution shall be in full force and effect from and after its ratification. In the general assembly read three times and ratified, this the 21st day of March 1945. Examined and found correct. L. Y. BALLANTINE, President of the Senate. O. D. RICHARDSON, Speaker of the House of Representatives. Mrs. O. W. COVER, Chairman WOODRUM. We have a statement here in letter form, addressed to me, presented by the Citizens Medical Reference Bureau, Inc., signed by Mr. H. B. Anderson, who states that he has no desire to speak unless it is to answer questions, but asks that this be made a part of the record. It shall be inserted in the record at this point. (The letter referred to is as follows:) Hon. CLIFTON A. WOODRUM, CITIZENS MEDICAL REFERENCE BUREAU, INC., Chairman, House Committee on Postwar Military Policy, Washington, D. C. DEAR SIR: We respectfully request that in the event the House Committee on Postwar Military Policy should see fit to recommend a system of postwar compulsory military training that it include therewith a recommendation that provision be made to exempt "conscientious medical objectors" from military service or that they be accorded freedom of choice of healing methods to the same extent that they are granted such freedom of choice of healing methods and made exempt from compulsory medical treatment prior to induction. We submit that the inclusion of a protective clause of this kind in any universal military training act would do much to inspire the youth of our country to want to defend the liberty for which this country stands. Also it would serve as a reminder that one of the primary purposes of the Constitution of the United States, which we are all pledged to uphold, is to "secure the blessings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity." Congress has upon numerous occasions taken cognizance of the wide diversity of opinion with respect to the healing art. We particularly refer to protective clauses in the Social Security Act of 1935, the Labor-Federal Security Appropriation Acts of 1944 and 1945, and the act to promote the welfare and hygiene of maternity and infancy, which expired some years ago. It has frequently been pointed out in medical literature that medical knowledge is relative knowledge and not absolute knowledge. It is entirely possible that future generations will discard much of the "miracle medicine" now being so freely prescribed, as the treatment prescribed to the Father of our Country was discarded. The youth of the Nation do not represent an isolated group. What happens to the youth of the Nation affects the entire population in the years to come. We ask that this letter be included in the hearings before your committee. Respectfully yours, CITIZENS MEDICAL REFERENCE BUREAU, INC., Chairman WOODRUM. The representative of the National Negro Congress, Dorothy Funn, is present. Will you proceed, please. STATEMENT OF DOROTHY K. FUNN, LABOR SECRETARY, NATIONAL NEGRO CONGRESS, NEW YORK, N. Y. Miss FUNN. As the representative of the National Negro Congress, I wish to thank the chairman and members of the Select Committee on Postwar Military Policy for extending this time to me to register with you the views of my organization on the proposed universal military training program. It is our considered judgment that Americans have a twofold responsibility on the question of universal military training in peacetime. First, our Nation should be prepared to assume its moral obligation to the world in conjunction with its allies; and secondly, to establish and enforce the necessary guaranties for the complete elimination of segregation and discrimination in the armed forces. The representatives of the United Nations are meeting in San Francisco right now to draw up a workable plan which will insure world cooperation for world security and world peace. Implicit in any agreement among the world powers is the principle of using all measures, military and nonmilitary, to prevent any threat of future aggression from Fascist nations and remove the causes of war. The adoption of the plan for compulsory military training will secure to our allies and ourselves the impossibility of the reemergence of aggressor nations like Japan and Germany. This would mean an American military establishment within the framework of a system of United Nations cooperation. With this as a basis universal military training will mean, in fact, effective control over the Fascist enemies of mankind and the insurance of peace and security for the world and ourselves. This program will be one of the guaranties against another war within the next few years. In discussing this plan America is faced with making a choice: Shall we maintain for years to come a large standing army of professional soldiers, an undemocratic institution built around a false military caste, or shall we build a reserve citizens' army fully trained to defend our Nation and thus insure that never again shall our sons be thrown into suicidal combats because we failed to provide for their adequate military preparation? It would seem to me that there can be but one choice-the citizens' reserve army provided for in a program of universal military training. In this program the responsibility of protecting this Nation will fall upon all Americans. Our youth would be impressed with their responsibility to their country to defend and protect it. We must be prepared in the art of war so that we may live in peace. Thus, looking at the proposition objectively, I would say that every American, including Negro Americans, would favor and should favor universal military training. We Negro Americans can see the necessity of guaranteeing that never again will an aggressor, Fascist nation, steeped in the theories of racial superiority and world conquest, arise to threaten our country and our lives. Subjectively, however, closer examination reveals that America is mouthing empty phrases about protection against the menace of fascism if one-tenth of its population is discriminated against and segregated because of its color. Discrimination against Negroes is intolerable and the basis of low morale in our wartime army. This condition would be no less true in peacetime. You have heard from representatives of other Negro organizations about the causes of the resentments of the Negro American over his treatment by the Army and the Navy. I need not enumerate them for you again. I would say, though, that the basis for these inequities suffered by Negro Americans stem from a false conception of what determines a person's ability, skill, adaptability, intelligence, and leadership qualities. It is not his color. The continuation of this stupidity in Army practice is the foundation upon which fascism can be fostered in the very agency created for the express purpose of protecting democracy and its democratic institutions. Democracy must be present in every institution which includes the military. In the course of this war some democratic gains have been registered for the Negroes. We cannot stop at that if we are not to make a mockery of this precious heritage of our founding fathers. In any consideration of a program of postwar military training, therefore, guaranties must be established by the Congress of the United States which will insure to the Negro citizen full equality. This means that all vestiges of present discriminatory practices must be wiped out. This means that Negro youth must be fully integrated in all branches of the service in the Army and the Navy. This also means that every gain that has been made by Negro servicemen in the course of this war must be maintained. This means that all barriers to the admission of Negroes to the technical branches of the service must be lowered. Finally, this means that the percentage of Negro commissioned officers must be greatly increased. The adoption of such democratic procedures in any plan for universal military training in peacetime will strengthen our Nation and guarantee the death of Fascist trends in our own Nation and in the world. And, finally, for maintenance and extension of the democratic goals for which we have fought and won the war in Europe and will win the war against Japan, we urge immediate consideration of a peacetime military program of 1 year of service in the citizens' Army, not 2. Thank you. Chairman WOODRUM. The next witness, representing the Socialist Labor Party of America, Mr. Hass, will now be heard. STATEMENT OF ERIC HASS, SOCIALIST LABOR PARTY OF AMERICA, NEW YORK, N. Y. Mr. HASS. Mr. Chairman and members of the committee, on the subject of militarism the Socialist Labor Party takes a stand in line with the traditions of America, and, specifically, with the views of the fourth President of the United States, James Madison. In the words of Madison, it declares that A standing military force, with an overgrown Executive will not long be safe companions to liberty. The means of defense against [alleged] foreign danger have always been the instruments of tyranny at home. Accordingly, the Socialist Labor Party is unqualifiedly opposed to the passage of legislation to impose compulsory military training on American youth. We have read all the arguments, contentions, and sophistries advanced in support of the War Department's program to Prussianize America and destroy this Nation's 150-year-old tradition of antimilitarism. Substantially they are identical with the arguments advanced by militarists in all the nations that have adopted the compulsory system, including those usually described as "aggressor nations." Even the euphemism, "citizen army," had its counterpart in Germany where the huge Nazi military machine was called a "people's Wehrmacht." (As recently as March 11, Adolf Hitler issued a proclamation denouncing the Versailles Treaty for imposing on Germany "a ridiculous professional army instead of a people's Wehrmacht.") We hold that compulsory military training cannot insure peace for this Nation, or even reduce the prospects of war. Indeed, available facts, and the experience of the past 100 years, prove that the direct opposite will follow as a result of military conscription, and the inescapable wholesale militarizing of the country. Compulsory peacetime military training would not discourage war, as its supporters maintain, for the reason that war is inherent in the capitalist system. It flows from the fact of the system of wage-laborfrom the fact that the workers receive in wages only a fraction of the value of their product, hence can buy back only a fraction. Of the surplus, which is in the form of commodities, a part is consumed by the leisure class in luxurious living, a part is employed in expanding industry, and another part goes down the capacious gullet of a bureaucratic political state. What remains, after these deductions, must be sold in foreign markets to relieve the glut at home, and to stabilize, as far as possible, international exchange. It is competition for these markets, and for spheres of economic influence, and sources of raw material, which makes the recurrence of war inevitable as long as the capitalist principle prevails as the basis of society. The more the productive facilities are expanded and improved upon, all the greater is the necessity to sell surpluses in foreign marketsand all the fiercer becomes the rivalry for world market which leads to war. The fact that the capitalist nation which gets the better of its competitors is militarily powerful does not deter other nations from going to war against her. On the contrary, history reveals that no capitalist nation will accept defeat in the commercial struggle without submitting the issue to the arbitrament of arms. Failure to sell surpluses abroad would produce crisis at home, aggravate unemployment, and weigh industry down with top-heavy inventories. Prolonged stagnation could have but one consequence-economic collapse and, ultimately, social revolution. In the words of Winston Churchill: It is established that nations who believe their life is at stake will not be restrained from using any means to secure their existence. One of these means is war. A capitalist nation is aggressive, predatory, and warlike in the measure that its capitalist economy is dependent on foreign markets and in need of raw materials. And a nation's capitalist economy is as needful of these precisely to the extent that the productive capacity of its exploitative system is developed. Here it becomes evident that American capitalism, which emerges from this war with a stupendous industrial capacity, has the highest developed exploitative system in the world. It is in the light of this fact that the claims of the promilitarists-that compulsory military training would reduce the prospects of war-must be examined. Indeed, that is the light in which these claims are examined by other nations. To peoples elsewhere in the world the relationship between American economic power and commercial aggressiveness, on the one hand, and the demand for permanent conscription, on the other, is far more evident and sinister than it is to most Americans. Similarly, the German people, subjected to the same insiduous propaganda |