STATEMENT OF GEN. A. A. VANDEGRIFT, COMMANDANT, UNITED STATES MARINE CORPS

General VANDEGRIFT. Thank you, sir; I am very glad to appear here today.

Mr. Chairman, and gentlemen of the committee, in order to assure the maintenance of our Nation in a position of leadership in the postwar world and to achieve greater national security, the Marine Corps strongly urges the adoption of a policy of universal military training.

In spite of the legislation providing for compulsory military service enacted prior to our entry into the present war, December 7, 1941, found the United States lacking in trained military manpower. We were forced to assume the defensive and compelled to remain almost entirely on the defensive for a period of 12 years.

We cannot, under any conditions, assume that the present war will end all wars, and with the development of the weapons of modern warfare, it is a certainty that there will be no such lengthy time interval in which to organize a military machine to meet the forces of an aggressor nation in the future.

The results of the attack on Pearl Harbor found this country unable to assemble immediately, trained amphibious forces for the protection of our isolated island garrisons in the Pacific. As a result, Wake, Guam, and the Philippines were wrested from the United States forces fighting on those islands against the overwhelming superiority of the enemy. Not until August of 1942 were we able to launch a limited offensive, and that offensive was made with professional troops, most of which had been trained as a unit for approximately 2 years. Our next offensive move was made in July 1943, almost a year later. The crescendo of operations has moved progressively forward until we are now able to strike almost at will, with devastating power against the enemy.

What a difference a supply of adequately trained military manpower would have made to the progress of the war in the spring of 1942. We must not again be placed in a position that will find us without a military force sufficient to take its position in the battle line in defense of our country.

These troops can be held in a state of readiness in one of two ways: First, by the maintenance of a large professional military establishment. This is utterly foreign to our democratic way of life. Second, and by far the preferable course, is to maintain a large, welltrained reserve force immediately available to meet the early requirements of the military situation.

We can provide for the manpower element of that reserve in two ways: By the organization of a volunteer corps, or by the institution of a system whereby every able-bodied young man receives, in time of peace, the military training necessary to prepare him to take his place in the armed forces of his country in time of emergency-in other words, universal military training. The first of these-the volunteer reserve-has been honestly tried and it was, for many reasons, woefully inadequate when most needed. It did not solve the problem in the present war. I mean no reflection upon the not inconsiderable number of reservists, officers and enlisted, who earnestly cooperated with us in the reserve program. They have performed

splendidly in this war. Their success was not because of, but in spite of, a system that was tried and found wanting.

The postwar Marine Corps will be devided into the regular Marine Corps and the Reserve. The regular Marine Corps will consist of security detachments for naval stations, headquarters Marine Corps and supporting establishments, and amphibious striking forces, deployed as directed by the Secretary of the Navy in support of the fleet. The type and strength of the Reserve is at present undetermined. The major component of the Marine Corps Reserve to be maintained after this war should be built up from men who have undergone training in the Marine Corps under the policy of universal military training. We would thus maintain at all times a minimum available reserve of 180,000 trained men, plus those trainees on active duty. Even the men who would be discharged from the Reserve after 5 years would be available for recall to active duty, and, with a minimum amount of retraining, would be prepared to take their places in combat organizations.

In addition to supplying the large portion of our postwar Reserve, the field of universal military trainees muct necessarily provide the major source from which the regular Marine Corps will be able to draw its manpower. Enlistments from that field will of course be on a strictly voluntary basis.

The question arises, What length of military training must the average youth receive if he is to retain a reasonable degree of skill? In the early days of this war we devoted over a year to the preparation of, first, the individual; then the small unit; and finally, the larger unit. Today our organizations are complete, and every one of them is in the battle line. To sustain them it is necessary only to provide adequately trained individuals. These individuals, replacements, receive a minimum of 6 months' training and the maximum limit is dependent upon the type of employment for which they are intended. There are two important factors involved here-first, this replacement goes soon into battle, therefore he must be trained well as an individual; but secondly, he has advantage in that he joins a veteran organization in which he is surrounded with skilled, tried men who willingly aid and care for the novice. Likewise he is going to apply immediately what he has learned. He is not required to retain his skill without further practice for over 4 years. Let me remind you also that this training is of that intensive nature that characterizes all of our war work. Days are long and breaks are brief.

We therefore ask that one continuous year of training be given to each trainee.

There will, without doubt, be urged upon you from some quarters certain modifications of this allocation of time-three or four summer periods of 2 months each, or a lesser amount of time-3, 4, 5, or 6 months. These are not acceptable solutions, since they would not accomplish the desired results, being neither beneficial to the trainee nor profitable to the country.

You have been presented with similar arguments for the adoption of a policy on universal military training, perhaps couched in slightly different words, by the other members of the armed services appearing before this committee. This fact in itself illustrates a unification of thought, as proponents for the adoption of this policy, in the minds of the military men who are responsible for the defense of our Nation.

We are not taking a stand in favor of war. We are, though, with you responsible for the security of this country, and we feel that a trained military force is one of the most potent weapons for the maintenance of a peaceful world. Universal military training is a tool that will shape the necessary force into parts that are capable of being formed into a smoothly functioning military machine in a minimum of time. Individual preparedness is an essential element of national preparedness. Universal military training will provide the men of this Nation with an individual preparedness which could not be satisfactorily attained through any other means.

You will note that I have not dwelt upon the benefits to the individual of the proposed program. There are many byproducts or indirect advantages which will accrue, not only to the trainee but to the country at large. Total abolition of illiteracy in the male population, sounder physical condition of participants, fewer men in occupations for which they are not fitted, resulting from service classification tests which have proven eminently successful during this war. These are not just possibilities, they are practical certainties. However, we of the Marine Corps do not advance them.

Let us not be confused. We are not commending to your notice a panacea. We are asking for approval of a plan of military training and nothing else. We believe that a measure that contributes so substantially to the ability of this country to sustain its ideals and institutions in a troubled world can, should, and will stand solidly upon its own merits.

Now, Mr. Chairman, realizing that the committee would perhaps be interested in what is thought in the field, I ask the commanding general of the Fleet Marine Force in the Pacific, some time ago, if he would talk it over with his officers and men, and write me a statement of their thought.

If you should desire, I could read that statement to show you their feeling.

Chairman WOODRUM. We will be very glad to have it. Who is the author of the statement?

General VANDEGRIFT. The statement is from Lt. Gen. Holland M. Smith, commander of the marines in the Pacific.

sir.

Chairman WOODRUM. The committee will be very glad to have it,

General VANDEGRIFT. The statement is as follows:

Adoption of the principles of compulsory universal military training is an absolute "must" for the United States of America if we are to retain the dominant role in the world affairs which we shall possess upon the conclusion of World War II. It is also a "must" if we intend to utilize the full potential of America's strength to prevent a World War III.

The position of hegomony in the conduct of World War II which our Nation now holds is directly attributable to three factors:

First, an abundance of virtually all the raw materials and resources which are required to wage modern war.

Second, an alert and energetic citizenry which, when allied with the American system of private enterprise, is capable of converting the inherent resources of our country into weapons of war in amounts which stagger the imagination. And third, a large and powerful military force which is capable of exploiting the other two factors.

While it is reasonable to expect that the first two factors mentioned will continue indefinitely after present hostilities cease, such is not the case with regard to the third factor. Our military strength today is entirely dependent upon the existence of the national emergency proclaimed by Presidential order

and upon the Selective Service Act. Both of these measures are temporary and. at some date after victory over Japan is attained, both will become inoperative. It is logical to expect that the lessons we have learned as a result of World War II will insure the maintenance during peacetime of comparatively large naval and military forces. However, national economy will not permit, nor is it otherwise desirable, that forces sufficient to meet war needs be maintained continuously during peacetime. Nevertheless, the maintenance of a large reservoir of trained men is essential. The lack of such a reservoir has been the chief weakness of our defense plans in the past.

In both of the two great wars which have occurred in the last three decades the United States has been extremely fortunate in having periods of time for training a defending force before actually coming to close grips with the enemy. If World War III ever does come, we may not be so fortunate. The pattern of modern total warfare and the development of weapons which are mainly experimental today are indicative of what may be expected. Just as it is too late for an individual to dig a storm celler when a cyclone strikes, so may it be too late for America to start training her young men when, and if, the next war strikes.

The system of voluntary enlistment does not provide adequate personnel in peacetime to build up the trained reserve which is necessary to rapid mobilization for war. The Marine Corps Reserve, the Naval Reserve, and the National Guard organizations have all proved invaluable to the national defense. But neither in total strength nor in standards of training were these units adequate. Since voluntary methods cannot produce required results, compulsory military training must be inaugurated. The only fair method in carrying out any compulsory program is to treat everyone alike. Therefore, the program we adopt must not only be compulsory, it must be universal as well.

The idea of compulsory universal military training is neither new nor foreign to the United States. In fact it was first conceived by George Washington in January of 1790 and proposed to Congress for enactment into law. That the proposal was turned down by our Congress then does not detract from the truth that the idea, itself, was American in origin.

The actual details of any compulsory universal military training program are, of course, subject to much debate. It is believed that the program should include:

(a) Induction of all eligible males at a period in their lives which would cause the least disruption in their personal affairs and in the Nation's economy. (b) A period of at least 1 year of continuous active training and service after induction.

(c) A period of 7 to 10 years in an organized reserve which would be subject to refresher training as necessary.

(d) Transfer to an inactive reserve status where further service would only be required in the event of complete mobilization.

If such a program had been placed in effect after World War I, it is extremely doubtful whether or not Germany, Japan, and Italy would have dared to embark on their careers of aggression. Or, even if they had dared, it is reasonable to deduce that the war would have been over much sooner than is the case at present.

There need be no cause for worry that universal military training would tend to create a militaristic class in the United States. One has only to converse briefly with the veterans of the present war to confirm the above statement. If there is one emotion which is shared by all of our fighting men today, it is the desire to return to their homes and families. Militaristic reactions are simply not a component of American character.

As a matter of fact it is believed that the bringing together of large and varied groups of young men from all walks of American society would be a revitalizing influence on our concepts of democracy. The opportunities for advancement and recognition, regardless of the social station from which a person comes, are nowhere more marked than in the military services. Bankers' sons and miners' sons associate together and develop mutual understanding and respect for each other. Promotions depend entirely upon each man's individual capabilities. Not only does a man learn how to receive and carry out orders, but sooner or later he find himself in a position where he must control and train other men. These qualities of association, discipline, and leadership which are inherent to the military services would be highly stimulating to the minds of America's young men and would be solidifying influences for the Nation as a whole.

Each young man would be individually benefited because of the habit of regularity, the properly balanced diet, and the adequate outdoor physical exercise which are basic ingredients of any military-training program.

The physical examination of millions of American males of military age required by Selective Service has disclosed an appalling number of men who do not fulfill the minimum physical requirements for military service. In spite of popular belief to the contrary, the physical standards demanded for military service are only those which are expected of a normally healthy person. The fact that so very many of America's manhood do not measure up to these minimum standards and that, in many cases, early corrective treatment could have removed the defects is indicative of a requirement for universal physical examination of America's youth at an age when remedial treatment is practicable. The preinduction physical examination which would accompany universal military training would fill this requirement and thus insure better health for the Nation. However, even if there were not a single other argument in favor of adopting compulsory universal military training than that it is the surest and cheapest form of national insurance against future costly wars, then I am still certain that we should adopt it. It is not fair to the men who must do the actual fighting in the event of war to pit them against enemies who are more highly trained and more skillfully led. If we persist in our policy of starting to train our soldiers, sailors, and marines only when an aggressor is pounding on our door, then we must accept the alternatives of defeat in the next war or another long, drawn-out conflict such as the present one with its attendant and unnecessarily exorbitant expenditures of human life and money.

In the interests of true democrary our people must be willing to accept whatever small inconveniences of short duration the compulsory military-training program would entail. The time is at hand when the rights and privileges of the American way of life must be earned by all who would enjoy them.

And that is the end of the statement.

Chairman WOODRUM. Thank you very much, General Vandegrift. Is there anything you could give to us in addition to your statement? The committce, of course, knows of your interesting personal experiences in taking the men into the field.

General VANDEGRIFT. I think not, sir. I think I have covered the subject thoroughly, unless there are some questions the committee would care to ask on it.

We contemplate, as our allotment, 36,000 men to train each year. They will be in the Reserve for 5 years, which gives a reserve strength of 180,000, which we feel would be the required amount for our service. Chairman WoODRUM. Mr. Cole, of New York, would like to ask you a question, General.

Mr. COLE. I should like to inquire, General Vandegrift, if you are satisfied that the statements you have read, both your own and that of General Smith, reflect the sentiments of at least a majority of the personnel under your and his command?

General VANDEGRIFT. I am definitely of that opinion, because I questioned them when I was out there on my trip to the Pacific, and I know that General Smith makes the same statement.

Chairman WOODRUM. Mr. Mott, of Oregon.

Mr. MOTT. General, you say there are many byproducts or indirect advantages which accrue not only to trainees but to the country at large, and the first of those, as you mentioned, is the total abolition of illiteracy.

General VANDEGRIFT. Of the male population.

Mr. MOTT. Of the male population?

General VANDEGRIFT. Yes.

Mr. MOTT. I was wondering upon what you based that assertion. General VANDEGRIFT. I base it on the past experience that we have had during this war, because we have gotten trainees totally illiterate