The customs receipts of the government for the first decade were 159,000,000; increased to 195,000,000 in the second decade, but fell to 179,000,000, annual average, for the last decade. The principal cause of this diminution was the reduction of the salt duty, to take effect January 1st, 1849. The reduction was from 63,437,028 francs in 1848 to 25,623,043 in 1850. In 1852, salt used in certain manufactures, and which had been before free, was taxed. Among the articles which have most contributed to the increase of customs has been sugar, foreign and domestic. The following table has great interest, as showing the total progressive consumption of all kinds of sugar in France:— 1837 1838 1839 1840 1841 1842 98,722 52,417 974,121 1,079,721 115,806 1,021,380 80,714 1,126,516 79,824 1,127,099 33,430 664,897 489,688 1,188,015 59,016 1,128,999 96,310 1,085,841 Decennial average. 80,826 773,079 366,763 1,220,668 100,838 1847 1848 1849 1850 1851 1852 1853 1854 1855 1856 1,280,640 1,119,830 96,261 878,261 523,703 1,498,225 184,006 1,314,219 95,400 483,708 481,027 1,060,135 82,581 977,554 188,779 654,661 500,734 1,344,174 129,854 1,214.320 238,584 511,715 597,589 1,347,888 205,632 1,142,256 233,891 484,504 640,807 1,359,202 203,898 1,155,304 297,685 640,181 641,285 1,579,151 218,708 1,360,443 308,780 656,821 738,145 1,703,746 258,220 1,445,526 380,676 822,114 674,437 1,877,227 355,773 1,521,454 596,549 907,473 565,293 2,069,315 460,789 1,608,526 328,994 935,310 885,220 2,149,524 497,725 1,651,799 Decennial average. 276,560 697,475 624,824 1,598,859 259,719 1,339,140 1857 1858 510,000 850,000 700,000 2,140,000 350,000 1,790,000 380,000 1,150,000 1,250,000 2,780,000 560,000 2,280,000 The refined sugar exported is calculated at 70 per cent of the raw sugar. The weights given are metrical quintals, of which ten about equal one ton. The result shows an immense increase in the use of sugar. The duty on beet-root sugar, in 1858, amounted to $12,774,240, an increase of $4,500,000 over 1857. The warehouse business has also been largely developed in the last decade as follows: The transit trade across France has also shown a very large development, the chief goods being, silks, 92,200,000 francs in the last decade, against 40,300,000 in the second; cottons, 51,600,000 francs against 32,700,000 in the preceding decade; woolens, 32,500,000 franes against 16,300,000; watches, 9,700,000 francs against 3,800,000. Switzerland and the Zollverein are the chief places of origin, and the United States and England the principal places of destination. The import and export of the precious metals is very marked, and for three years the operation has been as follows: Thus in three years $125,000,000 worth of silver has gone out of France, and $300,000,000 worth of gold has been absorbed into French currency, giving a net increase of $175,000,000 of the precious metals in three years. Of that large amount $101,000,000 was acquired in the last year, the year of paralysis of business, 1858, and owing mostly to the fact that her crops are good of food, of silk, and of vines, while her exports have been well sustained. The sources where France derived the gold, in 1856, were as follows: This course of the French trade in the metals for 1856 indicates the usual operations for other years. In that year, however, the bank was a buyer of gold, which was not the case in 1858, when the operations and wants of trade alone governed the currents of the precious metals. The shipments of silver to the English East Indies were mostly from Marseilles, in furtherance of transactions originating in London, and for which gold left England in considerable amounts, mostly in the shape of bars derived from the United States, and coins from Australia. The current of silver was large in those years into Germany and Italy, in payment of grain and silk, which both commanded high prices in that year. The navigation of France has increased to a very considerable extent in the three periods, of which comparison is given in the table. The leading results, distinguishing the foreign from the French flag, are as follows: 1847-56...... 9,534 1,082,921 12,788 1,719,612 9,770 1,143,625 12,840 1,697,045 The increase has been very large it appears, but the foreign has increased faster than the French. In the trade with the United States it appears that the progress was as follows:— This gives an increase of 53 per cent in the French tonnage, and 146 per cent in the American tonnage, showing an immense preponderance in favor of the United States. 1837. The quantity was The above figures embrace steam as well as sailing-vessels. Separate accounts have been kept of these only since as follows in 1856 as compared with 1847: 1847 1856 Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. No. Tons. 312,400 No. 985 179,320 2,164 320,623 988 174,764 2,178 1,732 428,678 3,195 651,739 1,704 426,191 3,164 649,942 The French tonnage has increased 84 per cent and foreign 88 per cent. In the trade with the United States the tonnage in 1856 was 58,234. The existing French tonnage, December 31, steam and sail, was as follows: The increase is not large, but has been mostly in the larger vessels. Art. IV. THE ACQUISITION OF CUBA. ARE THE UNITED STATES JUSTIFIED IN DEMANDING THE IMMEDIATE SURRENDER OF CUBA! WHILE all will concede the fertility of the island of Cuba, men may well differ as to the policy of our country, with respect to it, and as to our right to demand its immediate cession by Spain. While a subject of so much importance to our country engages the attention of the executive, and is closely watched by our people, it is alike important that both sides of the question be discussed, and the facts be fairly presented to the public. The April number of this Magazine contains an interesting article on the acquisition of Cuba, by the Hon. F. O. J. Smith, of Maine, a gentleman of much information, and well qualified to grapple with a subject in which his State has a peculiar interest, for his county of Cumberland is largely engaged in the lumber trade with Cuba. Mr. Smith has well analyzed the law of nations as it bears on our relations with Cuba, but before we acquiesce in his conclusions, it will be well to consider whether his premises warrant all his deductions, and whether a very natural desire to promote the commerce of his own State may not have a little biased his judgment. The positions taken by Mr. Smith are in substance these First. That our veteran statesman, John Quincy Adams, with a prescience of the future, declared in 1823, that such were the geographical, commercial, political, and moral relations of the United States with Cuba, that is annexation would become indispensable to the continuance and integrity of our Union. Second. That the conquest of the island would now be justified by the exclusive spirit of the government, with respect to commerce, and the dark and oppressive barbarity of its internal polity," in which it resembles the former government of China, whose course, in the opinion of Mr. Adams, was in conflict with the rights of mankind, and warranted the invasion by England. Third. That one nation is justified in seizing the territory of another, if it endangers the internal peace and safety of the former. Fourth. That the seizure of Amelia Island and Florida, on the ground that they endangered the peace and safety of our country, are good precedents for the seizure of Cuba. Fifth. That by the laws of Spain, if our citizens sustain damages in Cuba, they are compelled to resort for redress to a circuitous appeal to Spain, and are thus delayed and baffled in the vindication of their rights. Sixth. That Spain has recognized claims for such damages to the extent of $128,000, but procrastinates payment, offering but one-third of the amount. Seventh. That Spain, after a solemn treaty with Great Britain to discontinue the slave trade, sustains it, by allowing Africans to be landed in Cuba, and thus subjects us to the expense of a squadron on the coast of Africa, and to frequent collisions with England on the subject of the right of search. Eighth. That the peace and continuance of our Union are thus endangered; "that the time for submissiveness is now at an end; let Great Britain, let France, and let all the other powers of the earth say, think, and do as they shall please." That the time has come for our people "to act as an unit towards the Spanish Government in respect to Cuba and Cuban Government, and so they will act." "That they owe it to their dignity, to their safety, and alike to their external and internal peace, and to all their interest as a great and prosperous people, to blot out the foul spot upon their hitherto overtaxed forbearance, and to abate the nuisance that annoys them." Mr. Smith dwells particularly upon the slave trade, and the expenditure in which it involves us, remarking, "that Spain in this matter of the African slave trade has become an outlaw among nations." He concludes as follows:-"Her soil and her jurisdiction alone, in all the civilized world, are the fulcrum, which is to uphold the continuance of this trade, or to drop it into remediless destruction. We have demonstrated that with that soil, and that jurisdiction transferred to the United States, the African slave trade will come to an end. As we treated Spain in the matter of West Florida, in view of the same weakness, not to say bad faith, of Spain upon the slave trade question-as we treated Spain in the matter of Amelia Island, in view of her same weakness, not to say bad faith, on the slave trade question-as we treated the Algerines for their bad faith in respect to the enslaving of white men, against the rights of humanity as the French have since treated these Barbary powers, for like offences; so now, upon a just warning by our government, and upon a refusal of a fair recompense for the property involved, so let Spain be now treated by the United States, regardful of every sentiment of both divine and human justice, if it be permitted to be done peaceably, and regardless of every cost of treasure, and every hazard of odds, if driven to consummate it forcibly." The conclusion of Mr. Smith, after advising and predicting immediate action, is a little ambiguous when he says we are to give a just warning, and upon a refusal of a fair recompense for the property involved, we are to treat Spain, with respect to Cuba, as we have done with respect to Amelia Island and Florida. The only inference we draw from this is, that we are to enter forcibly, regardless of cost or consequences, and take possession of Cuba, if Spain will not accept our offer. From these premises and conclusions the inquiry naturally springs, is the presage of an eminent statesman so conclusive, the danger to our country so irresistible, the oppression by Spain of her subjects so heartrending, her restraint on commerce so burthensome, her course of procedure with respect to claims so unprecedented, the importance of our claims on her so great, and her withdrawal from the slave trade so slow, that we, who have no treaty with her on the last subject, have no alternative but to demand, and on her refusal, to invade one or more of those two islands, the last of her magnificent possessions in America, in the retention of which her national pride and her commercial interests are so deeply enlisted? Let us examine each position. The presage of Mr. Adams is doubtless entitled to the greatest respect, for he was every inch a statesman, however ardent or impulsive may have been his temperament; but were he living would he repeat that presage to-day? When Mr. Adams wrote, our population was actually less than that of Spain. Her past greatness |