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TRIBUTES TO HIS ABILITY.

[CHAP. XIII. carry it out, would have saved France from the horrors in store for her, we cannot decide. "Man proposes but God disposes." We confess it is our individual opinion that nothing could have averted the catastrophe-that it was as much the inevitable effect of causes which had been ages in accumulating, as is the pestilence of long permitted filthy conditions of the physical world that no remedy could have reached to the foundation of the disease but extirpation-that extirpation was necessary to save the moral civilization of the continent of Europe. In fact, we do not believe Lafayette and his compatriots could have followed Jefferson's advice, had they made the attempt. Had they sought to pause midway, a new and deeper eruption of the volcano would have sooner overwhelmed them. As with Egypt, Assyria, Carthage, Greece, and Rome, the French political and social structure had finally reached that point, where the inevitable next step was destruction. The avenging arm that smote the thoroughly and hopelessly corrupted organizations of the early world was now stretched forth again to smite -and the philosophy of the sage and the fury of the sansculotte, the wisdom of the Senate and the lawlessness of the mob, could only tend to the inevitable result.

Mr. Jefferson's diplomatic conduct received the hearty approbation of all classes at home, and the unconcealed admiration of the liberal and intelligent in Europe. The testimony of the clear and profound Jay, who was then United States Secretary for Foreign Affairs, has already been quoted. Judge Marshall, always peculiarly "faint" in his "praise" of Jefferson, wrote in the very height of the after party heats, that "in that station he acquitted himself much to the public satisfaction." As we have incidently quoted Mr. Webster's rather adverse remarks on another topic connected with Jefferson's stay in France, it is but fair to do so on this. He said in one of his ablest and best known productions:

"Mr. Jefferson's discharge of his diplomatic duties was marked by great ability, diligence, and patriotism; and while he resided at Paris. in one of the most inte resting periods, his character for intelligence, his love of knowledge and of the society of learned men, distinguished him in the highest circles of the French capital. No court in Europe had at that time in Paris a representative com nanding or enjoying higher regard, for political knowledge or for general att÷inments, thir the minister of this then infant republic."

CHAP. XIII.]

PASSAGE HOME.

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The Edinburgh Review, in an article betraying anything but partiality for Jefferson, thus reflected the sentiment of Europe in regard to his diplomatic career in France:

"His watchfulness on every subject which might bear on the most favorable arrangement of their new commercial treaties, his perseverance in seeking to negotiate a general alliance against Algiers, the skill and knowledge with which he argued the different questions of national interest that arose during his residence, will not suffer even in comparison with Franklin's diplomatic talents. Every thing he sees seems to suggest to him the question, whether it can be made useful in America. Could we compare a twelvemonth's letters from our Ambassador's bags at Paris, Florence, or elsewhere, we should see whether our enormous diplomatic salaries are anything else than very successful measures for securing our business being ill and idly done."

We left Mr. Jefferson on the Atlantic. His homeward passage was speedy for the times, and not an unpleasant one until the Clermont arrived off the Capes of the Chesapeake, where she encountered so thick a fog that it was impossible to see a pilot boat, if any were out. Martha Jefferson's narrative says:

"After beating about three days, the captain, a bold as well as an experienced seaman, determined to run in at a venture, without having seen the Capes. The ship came near running upon what was conjectured to be the middle ground, when anchor was cast at ten o'clock, P.M. The wind rose, and the vessel drifted down, dragging her anchors one or more miles. But she had got within the Capes, whilst a number which had been less bold were blown off the coast, some of them lost, and all kept out three or four weeks longer. We had to beat up against a strong head wind, which carried away our topsails; and we were very near being run down by a brig coming out of port, which, having the wind in her favor, was almost upon us before we could get out of the way. We escaped, however, with only a loss of a part of our rigging. My father had been so anxious about his public accounts that he would not trust them to go until he went with them. We arrived at Norfolk in the forenoon, and in two hours after landing, before an article of our baggage was brought ashore, the vessel took fire and seemed on the point of being reduced to a mere hull. They were in the act of scuttling her, when some abatement in the flames was discovered, and she was finally saved. So great had been the activity of her crew, and of those belonging to other ships in the harbor who came to their aid, that everything in her was saved. Our trunks, and perhaps also the papers, had been put in our state rooms and the doors incidentally closed by the captain. They were so close that the flames did not penetrate, but the powder in a musket in one of them was silently consumed, and the thickness of the travelling trunks alone saved their contents from the excessive heat. Norfolk had not recovered from the effects of the war, and we should have found it difficult to obtain rooms but for the politeness of the gentlemen at the hotel (Lindsay's), who were kind enough to give up their own rooms for our accommoda tion. There were no stages in those days. We were indebted to the kindness of our friends for horses, and visiting all on the way homeward, and spending more

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RECEPTION AT MONTICELLO.

[СНАР. XIII.

or less time with them all in turn, we reached Monticello on the 23d of December.

"The negroes discovered the approach of the carriage as soon as it reached Shadwell, and such a scene I never witnessed in my life. They collected in crowds round it and almost drew it up the mountain by hand. The shouting, etc., had been sufficiently obstreperous before, but the moment it arrived at the top, it reached the climax. When the door of the carriage was opened, they received him in their arms and bore him to the house, crowding round and kissing his hands and 'eet-some blubbering and crying-others laughing. It seemed impossible to satisfy their anxiety to touch and kiss the very earth which bore him. These were the first ebullitions of joy for his return after a long absence, which they would of course feel; but perhaps it is not out of place to add here that they were at all times very devoted in their attachment to him. They believed him to be one of ti e greatest, and they knew him to be one of the best of men and kindest of masters spoke to him freely, and applied confidingly to him in all their difficulties and distresses: and he watched over them in sickness and in health-interested himself in all their concerns-advising them, showing esteem and confidence in the good, and indulgence to all. I believe I have said nothing that they would not unhesitatingly confirm, if asked."1

They

Wormley, the aged slave already referred to in this work, was between nine and ten years old when Mr. Jefferson returned from France, and when we talked with him in 1851, had a distinct recollection of the reception scene described above, and he gave us, partly from recollection and partly from the statements of his fellows, several minor touches of the story.

Two or three days before reaching home, Mr. Jefferson had sent an express directing his overseer to have his honse made ready for his reception by a specified day. The overseer mentioned this, and the news flew like wildfire over the different farms which it is customary to mention collectively as Monticello. The slaves could hardly attend to their work. They asked leave to make his return a holiday and of course received permission. Bright and early were all up on the appointed day, washed clean of the stains of labor, and attired in their "Sunday best." They first determined to receive him at the foot of the mountain; and the women and children refusing to be left behind, down they marched in a body. Never dragged on hours so slowly! Finally, the men began to straggle onward—the women and children followed-and the swarm did not settle again until they reached the confines of the estate, perhaps two miles from the house. By and by a carriage and four horses

The last paragraph of this quotation (with the exception of the last sentence) has already appeared in Professor Tucker's Work.

CHAP. XIII.]

AN AFRICAN OVATION.

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was seen rapidly approaching. The negroes raised a shout The postillions plied their whips, and in a moment more, the carriage was in their midst. Martha's description of what ensued is sufficiently accurate until the summit of the notch between Monticello and Carter's Mountain was attained. She says, the carriage was almost drawn up by hand. We consider old Wormley's authority the best on this point! He pointed out the very spot soon after the carriage had turned off from the highway, when in spite of the entreaties and commands (not however, we imagine, very sternly uttered!) of the "old master," the horses were detached and the shouting crowd pushed and dragged the heavy vehicle at no snail's pace up the further ascent, until it reached the lawn in front of the house. Mr. Jefferson had no idea whatever of being "toted" (Africanic: for "carried") from the carriage door into his house-riding on men not being to his taste. But who can control his destiny? Not a word could be heard in the wild uproar, and when he stepped from the carriage he unexpectedly landed on a cluster of swarthy arms, and amidst the oriental salutations described by Martha, was borne once more under his own roof-tree. The crowd respectfully broke apart for the young ladies, and as the stately, graceful Martha and the little fairy-like Maria advanced between the dark lines, escorted by "Jack Eppes," shouts rent the sky and many a curly-headed urchin was held aloft to catch a look of what their mothers and sisters were already firmly persuaded could not be paralled in the Ancient Dominion!

CHAPTER XIV.

1789-1790.

Jefferson appointed Secretary of State-Washington's Letters-Jefferson's Reply-His Feelings towards Washington-Appointments further pressed and accepted-Marriage of Martha Jefferson-Thomas Mann Randolph, Jr.-Mr. Jefferson's Journey to New York-Interview with Franklin-Personal Arrangements-Jefferson's Account of the Political Tone of Society in New York-Were his Impressions well founded?-Revolu tionary Politics in that City-Loyalism and Whiggery in that State-Form of Govern ment not necessarily in Question-Causes which led to Formation of ConstitutionInfluence of Shay's Insurrection on Public Mind-Rise of a Reactionary or Monarchical Party Jefferson's persistent Assertion of such a Party-Charged such Views on Individuals-Reasons for investigating these Charges-His Statements compared with Judge Marshall's-With General Knox's-With Colonel Humphreys'-With John Jay's -With Mr. Madison's-With General Washington's-Hamilton's Plan in Convention of 1787-His Speech in favor of Monarchy-Objections to Madison's Report of Speech examined-Governeur Morris's Speech in the Convention-Project of making Bishop of Osnaburg King Hamilton's Share in forming the Constitution-Hostile Testimony discarded-Morris's Statements How far Hamilton really approved of the Constitution-His public Declarations-His confidential Disclosures Declares the Constitution a frail and worthless Fabric "-His Estimate of the American Pe ple-Morris's Tes timony to Hamilton's Views and his own-Hostility of the Hamiltonians to the Constitution-Fisher Ames's Declarations-Theodore Sedgwick's-Oliver Wolcott's, Sen. -John Adams's-Other Tests besides Declarations Does the Charge of a Monarchical Party rest on Jefferson's Assertions?-The general Belief of the Republicans in the Existence of a Monarchical Farty-The seven first Presidents concur in that Belief— General Washington's Testimony-John Adams's-Madison's-Monroe's John Q.

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Adams's-General Jackson's.

WHILE Mr. Jefferson was at the seat of his brother-in-law, Mr. Eppes, at Eppington, on his way from Norfolk to Monticello, he received the following letters from General Washington, tendering him the appointment of Secretary of State; the second being accompanied by a commission for that office:

NEW YORK, October 18, 1789.

SIR, In the selection of characters to fill the important offices of Government, in the United States, I was naturally led to contemplate the talents and dispositions which I knew you to possess and entertain for the service of your country; and

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