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His heart was broken-crazed his brain;
At once his eye grew wild-
He struggled fiercely with his chain
Whisper'd, and wept, and smiled.
Yet wore not long those fatal bands,
And once, at shut of day,

They drew him forth upon the sands-
The foul hyena's prey!-BRYANT.

PART FOURTH.-ORATION AND DIALOGUE.

PARLIAMENTARY REFORM.

MY LORDS, I am asked what great practical benefits are to be expected from this measure ? And is it no benefit to have the government strike its roots into the hearts of the people? Is it no benefit to have a calm and deliberative, but a real organ of the public opinion, by which its course may be known, and its influence exerted upon state affairs regularly and temperately, instead of acting convulsively, and, as it were, by starts and shocks? I will only appeal to one advantage, which is as certain to result from this salutary improvement of our system, as it is certain that I am addressing your lordships. A noble earl inveighed strongly against the licentiousness of the press; complained of its insolence; and asserted that there was no tyranny more intolerable than that which its conductors now exercised. It is most true, that the press has great influence, but equally true, that it derives this influence from expressing, more or less correctly, the opinion of the country. Let it run counter to the prevailing course, and its power is at an end. But I will also admit that, going in the same general direction with public opinion, the press is oftentimes armed with too much power in particular instances; and such power is always liable to be abused. But I will tell the noble earl upon what foundation this overgrown power is built. The press is now the only organ of public opinion. This title it assumes, but it is not by usurpation; it is rendered legitimate by the defects of your parliamentary constitution; it is erected upon the ruins of real representation. The periodical press is the rival of the House of Commons; and it is, and it will be, the successful rival, as long as that House does not represent the people—

but not one day longer. If ever I felt confident in any prediction, it is in this, that the restoration of parliament to its legitimate office of representing truly the public opinion will overthrow the tyranny of which noble lords are so ready to complain, who, by keeping out the lawful sovereign, in truth support the usurper. It is you who have placed this unlawful authority on a rock: pass the bill, it is built on a quicksand. Let but the country have a full and free representation, and to that will men look for the expression of public opinion, and the press will no more be able to dictate, as now, when none else can speak the sense of the people. Will its influence wholly cease? Its just influence will continue, but confined within safe and proper bounds. It will continue, long may it continue, to watch the conduct of public men-to watch the proceedings even of a reformed legislature to watch the people themselves a safe, an innoxious, a useful instrument, to enlighten and improve mankind! But its overgrown power-its assumption to speak in the name of the nation-its pretension to dictate and to command, will cease with the abuse upon which alone it is founded, and will be swept away, together with the other creatures of the same abuse, which now fright our isle from its propriety."

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My lords, I do not disguise the intense solicitude which I feel for the event of this debate, because I know full well that the peace of the country is involved in the issue. I cannot look without dismay at the rejection of the measure. But grievous as may be the consequences of a temporary defeat-temporary it can only be; for its ultimate, and even speedy success is certain. Nothing can now stop it. Do not suffer yourselves to be persuaded, that even if the present ministers were driven from the helm, any one could steer you through the troubles which surround you without reform. But our successors would take up the task in circumstances far less auspicious. Under them, you would be fain to grant a bill, compared with which the one we now proffer you is moderate indeed. Hear the parable of the sybil, for it conveys a wise and wholesome moral. She now appears at your gate, and offers you mildly the volumes--the precious volumes of wisdom and peace. The price she asks is reasonable to restore the franchise, which, without any bargain, you ought voluntarily to give; you refuse her terms, her moderate terms; she darkens the porch no longer. But

soon-for you cannot do without her wares-you call her back; again she comes, but with diminished treasures; the leaves of the book are in part torn away by lawless hands, in part defaced with characters of blood. But the prophetic maid has risen in her demands; it is parliaments by the year, it is vote by the ballot, it is suffrage by the million! From this you turn away indignant, and for the second time she departs. Beware of her third coming; for the treasure you must have, and what price she may next demand, who shall tell? It may even be the mace which rests upon that woolsack. What may follow your course of obstinacy, if persisted in, I cannot take upon me to predict, nor do I wish to conjecture. But this I know full well, that, as sure as man is mortal, and to err is human, justice deferred enhances the price at which you must purchase safety and peace; nor can you expect to gather in another crop than they did who went before you, if you persevere in their utterly abominable husbandry of sowing injustice and reaping rebellion.

But among the awful considerations that now bow down my mind, there is one which stands pre-eminent above the rest. You are the highest judicature in the realm; you sit here as judges, and decide all causes, civil and criminal, without appeal. It is a judge's first duty never to pronounce sentence, in the most trifling case, without hearing. Will you make this the exception? Are you really prepared to determine, but not to hear the mighty cause upon which a nation's hopes and fears hang? You are. Then beware of your decision! Rouse not, I beseech you, a peace-loving, but a resolute people; alienate not from your body the affections of a whole empire. As your friend, as the friend of my order, as the friend of my country, as the faithful servant of my sovereign, I counsel you to assist with your uttermost efforts in preserving the peace, and upholding and perpetuating the constitution. Therefore, I pray and exhort you not to reject this measure. By all you hold most dear, by all the ties that bind every one of us to our common order and our common country, I solemnly adjure you, I warn you, I implore you, yea, on my bended knees, I supplicate you, reject not this bill!-BROUGHAM.

ROLLA'S ADDRESS TO THE PERUVIAN ARMY.

My brave associates-partners of my toil, my feelings, and my fame! Can Rolla's words add vigour to the virtuous energies which inspire your hearts. No; you have judged, as I have, the foulness of the crafty plea by which these bold invaders would delude you. Your generous spirit has compared, as mine has, the motives which, in a war like this, can animate their minds and ours. They, by a strange frenzy driven, fight for power, for plunder, and extended rule; we for our country, our altars, and our homes. They follow an adventurer whom they fear, and obey a power which they hate; we serve a monarch whom we love, a God whom we adore. Whene'er they move in anger, desolation tracks their progress! Where'er they pause in amity, affliction mourns their friends. They boast, they come but to improve our state, enlarge our thoughts, and free us from the yoke of error! Yes, they will give enlightened freedom to our minds, who are themselves the slaves of passion, avarice, and pride. They offer us their protection. Yes, such protection as vultures give to lambs-covering and devouring them. They call on us to barter all of good we have inherited and proved, for the desperate chance of something better which they promise. Be our plain answer this: The throne we honour is the people's choice; the laws we reverence are our brave fathers' legacy; the faith we follow teaches us to live in bonds of charity with all mankind, and die with hope of bliss beyond the grave. Tell your invaders this, and tell them too, we seek no change and least of all, such change as they would bring us.-SHERIDAN.

PROLOGUE TO THE TRAGEDY OF CATO.

To wake the soul by tender strokes of art,
To raise the genius and to mend the heart,
To make mankind in conscious virtue bold,
Live o'er each scene, and be what they behold:
For this the tragic muse first trod the stage,
Commanding tears to stream through every age;
Tyrants no more their savage nature kept,
And foes to virtue wonder'd how they wept.

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