tion from deterioration as a result of his presence, and contribute to our material and social growth.

"2. The engrafting upon the State, as a philosophy of life, as a duty of the State, and as a right of the individual, the idea of the education of all the people at public expense.

"3. The recognition of agriculture as the basic, economic art and science and the application to it of scientific processes from field to market.

"4. The learning of the spirit and methods of an industrial democracy as exemplified in manufacturing, the mechanic arts and great business enterprises.

"5. The development of a new social spirit which went deeper than the crass individualism which had gained us our liberties in a simpler age, and which, in just measure, is necessary to maintain them, and which centered about the good of all through the common effort of all-a sort of golden mean between the individualism which preserves liberty, and the collectivism which insures progress.

"6. An acuter, more spiritual and discriminating patriotism, evidenced not only in an intense activity and notable results in the fields of literature, history and science, but a high purpose to preserve by suitable memorials the name and fame of those who enrich the State's tradition. In social ideals, therefore, in industrial method and in educational purpose there has been a wonderful revolution in North Carolina; but only a complaisant eulogist, and not a real lover of the State, would contend that you have settled anything yet. You have begun wisely, and have gone forward wonderfully, but, as a matter of fact, you have just gotten the stride and the whole great complex task lies still beyond.

"It is a work beyond the power of any one generation to accomplish, though each generation must strive at it with unceasing diligence. In the field of education, for instance (and habit is too strong for me to keep away from that field), your leaders have been and are national leaders. To mention only the dead, for I dare not attempt a roll of the living-they are too numerous and too close at hand unless I dare to say that your Superintendent of Public Instruction has set a new standard for that

high office and made his example and his office a model for emulation throughout the South. The passing of men like Charles Brantley Aycock and Charles Duncan McIver touched the heart of the whole nation, for people realized that great human forces had passed out of the national life. The work of these leaders, living and dead, has interested all the states, and many of them have paid you the sincere compliment of imitation; but, as a matter of fact, gentlemen of the General Assembly, North Carolina has just begun to grow. She has set her feet in the right path, and, true to character, she will not turn aside,but the actual distance is yet to be traveled. A fearful load of illiteracy still saddens and weighs us down. Like the fighting in the Belgian trenches, our progress may be measured by feet rather than miles.

"If I may be pardoned for speaking by the ledger, you must spend three times the amount now expended if you are to have public schools adequate for a free and progressive people. Upon your great State university, thrilling with growth and reaching out in a way to excite admiration everywhere, after finer adaptation to public needs, and upon all of your institutions working to provide leadership and citizenship, you must also spend three times what you now spend, if they are to realize their true destiny. I believe the impulse of the average man in North Carolina to send his son to college is stronger than in any Southern state except Texas, but the colleges need many elementary things with which to give the proper training to this oncoming host. It was the ambition of my life, when I had the honor to serve as President of the University of North Carolina, to see the whole people behind that university continually strengthening it with their sympathy, their pride, and their practical helpfulness, for I knew that the whole people would react only to life and power in institutions.

"Such is my ambition now for the University of Virginia, which it is my duty and high privilege to serve. I know that those who have directed and who now direct the life of the University of North Carolina are actuated intensely by a similar ambition. No university in America has accomplished more, with the means available, than your university during the past

fifteen years under President Venable, and today, under the leadership of its new President, Edward K. Graham, who knows his task like a veteran and who deserves your fullest confidence and your united support. The way, therefore, to evoke the interest and love of the whole people in such an institution as a university, or any institution of learning, is to give that university or institution power to become tremendously vital in all phases of the people's life. I pray you will begin edging up in this matter of increased expenditure this very session, for Virginia has no idea of letting you get ahead of her, and so we will all move up a peg or two together.

"I am told that legislatures spend a great deal of time repealing enactments of former legislatures. Be sure of this thing. Legislatures never repeal great educational enactments, and they never go backward in true, educational progress. A vote in that field is a vote for civilization and progress. It is more than a vote. It is a deed, and not only enriches the memory and heart of him who gives it, but enrolls him, whether he will or not, among the builders of a State. Such spending, of course, is not expenditure, but investment; not loss, but gain; not waste, but accumulation.

"It is hard for a schoolmaster not to point out to States, as well as to men, the way they should go, but though I am not without deep conviction as to a proper program of social growth for you here in the State of my birth, as well as yonder in great old Virginia, the State of my adoption and life, the thought overpowers me that you have the program in your minds too, and perhaps it is a wiser program than mine. At any rate, my mood today is not didactic but filial, not admonitory but merely loyal and affectionate and trustful. The last three decades have been wonderful, moving, blossoming years in North Carolina history. The next three will reap the fruit and advance the standards and test the metal.

"And what a time in which to be alive and young and trained to think and serve a free people! What a clear, solemn call to manhood sounds about the great Republic above the noise and ruin of foreign war. World leadership has come for the first time, in this modern age, to a great democracy-a leadership not

gained in battle but earned by virtue. Every beaten nation, and, in a sense, they must all be beaten and none victorious, must turn hitherward for comfort and renewal, for guidance and sustenance, for here alone, for some generations, can be found strength to protect, freedom to grow, and opportunity to build enduringly that righteous state whose framework every generous soul has dreamed of since man began to think clearly and to plan an ordered society.

"And now, gentlemen, I must close. I thank you again for this high privilege. I congratulate you upon the opportunities and sympathize with you in the difficulties facing you while you seek to build for posterity, in a community almost born anew, a lovable, human, capable Commonwealth, grasping at the future with strong hands of faith and hope, but as of old stainless still in honor and fruitful still in strong men and noble deeds."

GAMBLING.*

Gambling is thus defined by the Century Dictionary: "To play at any game of hazard for a stake; or to risk money or anything of value on the issue of a game of chance."

But as both parties invoke chance, and both consent that gain or loss shall depend on the fall of a die, or the turn of a card, where is the wrong, it may be asked, assuming that the parties. play fairly, and risk their own property? May not a man do what he wills with his own?

The law has answered this question, and has made gambling a crime and gambling contracts null and void. A man may not do what he wills with his property, when what he does brings ruin on himself and others. The police power of the State places gambling under the ban, as injurious to the general welfareto the public health, the public morals, and the public safety.

Blackstone says of gambling (4 Bl. Com. 171): “Taken in any light, it is an offense of the most alarming nature, tend

*An address by Prof. Charles A. Graves, delivered before the students of the University of Virginia, Feb. 23, 1915.

ing by necessary consequence to promote public idleness, theft, and debauchery, among those of a lower class; and among persons of a superior rank, it has frequently been attended with the sudden ruin and desolation of ancient and opulent families, an abandoned prostitution of every principle of honor and virtue; and too often has ended in self-murder."

This was said of England. And now for America. Listen to the words of Washington (Whipple's Story Life of Washington, Vol. II, 337): "Avoid gaming. This is a vice that is productive of every possible evil. It has been the ruin of many a worthy family, the loss of many a man's honor, and the cause of suicide. Few gain by this abominable practice, while thousands are injured."

The above indictments of gambling were made many years ago; but the evil is still with us, and many lives are wrecked by it. Those who have to deal with it in our colleges regard it as more dangerous than drunkenness, and more difficult to cure. In his "Address to the Freshmen of Bowdoin College," President Hyde says: "Gambling is so utterly inconsistent with the purpose for which you came here, and, when once started, spreads so insidiously, that we always remove a student from college as soon as we discover that he is addicted to the practice." And at the University of Virginia gambling is classed with drunkenness and dissoluteness, and the President may dismiss from the University any student found guilty of them.

But though the records of our colleges are strewn with the wrecks of precious lives blighted by the curse of gambling, many young men refuse to be deterred by the possibilities of evil, and believe that they can yield to the lure of gambling and yet escape its disastrous consequences. And some even go so far as to deny that there is any moral wrong in gambling, and claim that a gentleman may as well indulge in this sport as in any other.

Waiving the fact that there is moral obliquity in the wilful violation of law, even when the thing forbidden is merely malum prohibitum, and that no man has the right to incur the risk of loss of property, honor, and even life itself, because he may possibly escape the worst disasters, I shall now endeavor to