foreigner into a real American. I know of no task that this city could assay fraught with greater good to the Nation at large than to see to it that as the foreigners flock through this gateway they catch some of the spirit of American liberty and know, at the same time, the necessity of American discipline within the city and above all within the school.

The most tense and spectacular exibition of partisan division in the early history of our country was staged in the cabinet room where Washington sat at the head of the table and Jefferson and Hamilton glowered at each across the table with suspicion, jealousy, and hate. It was greatly to Washington's credit that he endeavored to reconcile these two statesmen, and, when his efforts proved futile, knew how to avail himself of the service of both. Thus he made the opposing wings of what he had supposed was one party advance the cause of the common weal. Washington was not by nature or practice a partisan, though he was forced to become a party man; but here was his view: "The hour is certainly come when party disputes and dissensions should subside; when every man, especially those in office, should, with hand and head, pull the same way, and with their whole strength." His theory, as his administration, was indicative of the comforting fact that patriotism is not a monoply of either party and that men of divergent methods and conflicting views may notwithstanding act for the common good. Party contentions, actions taken for the good of the party rather than for the good of the country, political animadversions that lead the people to discount the real value of their leaders-these tear asunder the vital cord of a united spirit. Reasonable consideration of one's adversary is not inconsistent with clear and cogent convictions or with forceful but courteous utterances.

When travel and knowledge bridge space, when a wholesome collectivism supersedes a crass individualism, when tolerance. vanquishes prejudice, when racial differences are merged in an all-inclusive patriotism, when party politicians become catholic statesmen, our American spirit will have unity and solidarity, and, as well, a national universality. But even before that Utopian time, for which we need not wait, may there not be infused into this recreated unity a vitalizing force? To give to

our national spirit a higher potency, to press into it the tonic of an invigorating spirituality, may be the result of "keeping keen,” as Viscount Haldane would say, "our sense of fine quality." With this sense of fine quality rooted in us, we will not be satisfied with a national spirit that merely escapes gross deficiencies and meets the lowered conditions of actual existence, but we will insist upon a spirit that vibrates with a "passion for excellence." Such a spirit in its transforming might will inflame the civic temper. Under the glow of such a suffused temper large purpose will be formed and fused. Plans will be executed with a warmth of personal intensity.

Our nation, if charged with such a spirit, would more readily assume its natural place of leadership, characterized by the essential qualities of insight, vision, will, and organization. When we recognize the leadership which seems to be ours, either by the fulfillment of our own promises or by the failure of other nations to reach theirs, we will rise to a high sense of responsibility for achieving a destiny already manifest, or revealing itself more fully as part by part is laid under tribute. Is not our destiny primarily to teach the world the lesson of Christian democracy? Washington asserted with unerring confidence the necessity of democratic rule. Surely we shall not lose faith in its present necessity as we think of the failures consequent upon other forms of government. But the democracy we shall teach is not merely a government of the people, by the people, but a fraternal cooperation in self-government. Is it merely Is it merely a halcyon dream that this sense of brotherhood may be a potent element of our nationalized American spirit? Democracy is still on trial. It must justify itself or die. Lowell states one of the standards thus: "Democracy must show its capacity for producing not higher average man, but the highest possible types of manhood in all of its manifold varieties, or it is a failure." It is not in the average, but in the superior that our hope lies, and one of the tests of this democracy will be that the highest vie with each other in a liberty loving patriotism. I do not see that such a state can be achieved without a mighty and unfaltering sense of self-sacrifice: though this self-sacrifice may be the surest and the speediest way to self-enlargement, losing one's self to find it.

in a larger usefulness. Internal growth is frequently but a normal reaction from external exercises; as that man learns to think best for himself by uttering his best thoughts for the good of others. It is the right of the State to contribute to the Nation, it is the larger and consecrated right of the nation to contribute to some other nation; or, as its vision grows, to all the nations. Not long ago I was favored with an oppurtunity to speak at one of the leading institutions of this great State, and my theme was "The Shifting Emphasis." It was my endeavor to point out in large ways that the emphasis had shifted, or was shifting, from the material to the spiritual. My theme today has been in a sense a corollary of that larger theme, for I am insisting in this study with you that the real America is the invisible America, a thing not of matter but of spirit; and that upon this informing spirit, not upon its salient materialism, rests the emphasis of today. Nor were we ever mere materialists, for our largest conquests have been inspired by a lofty idealism and achieved. not as a matter of profit, but as a matter of principle.

Note, if you please, how the three elements of this idealism reflect the character of Washington. First, the sense of high, though frequently unconscious, artistry, "the passion for excellence," the worker's glory in his finished task, over which he might utter, if his modesty did not forbid, the plaudit of his own "well done." With all his reserve, Washington did have a sense of self-satisfaction in the marvelous work he had achieved. No wonder he could contemplate with a sense of "sweet enjoyment" his retirement to a private and reminiscent life. "It is to live twice when we enjoy the recollection of our past lives." For its own sake it would be good to have a spirit of unity and harmony prevail throughout our land.

But a large element of idealism is the humanity of it, working not for the sake of pride in the work, but for the sake of humanity. What's Washington's happy note which Van Dyke so echoes in his Washington's Americanism,-"The ever-favorite object of my heart"? It occurs in the last clause of his Farewell Address. Hear its connection. "I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat in which I promise myself to realize without alloy the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow

citizens the benign influence of good laws under free government—the ever favorite object of my heart, and happy reward, as I trust, of our mutual cares, labors, and dangers."

"The artist's price, some little good to man." This good to man was the impelling motive of our great hero whose person has been in our minds even when his name was not on our lips. His deliberate and ungrudging sacrifice was for his country's good. Listen to the solemn words which we may toll as a peal of distress. "My policy has been, to cultivate peace with all the world." When the war is over may we be able to shout it as a pæan, "Peace with all the World!"

I have no warrant to omit the third element in this trinity of idealism. The place where I find myself commands that it be spoken the Divinity of it. As the Divine life is the ideal life, the life of true idealism must have Divinity in it. "Sent of God" encloses the full story of a divinely appointed life and a life dedicated and consecrated to its mission. Who among us in simple faith does not believe that in the fullness of time Washington was divinely appointed to a task to which, with simple hearted and solemn consecration, he devoted himself with a confessed dependence upon Divine Power? "By these great qualities," says John Adams in enumerating Washington's virtues, "and his benign effects, has Providence marked out the Head of this Nation with a hand so distinctly visible as to have been seen by all men and mistaken by none."

Prompted by this memorial day, this sacred place, and the temper of this occasion, may I not commend to you and to myself the spirit of Washington as the spirit of our country, and adjure you and myself by the majesty of his great life to see aright and manifest aright our Nationalized American spirit?"

ALUMNI LEADERS IN SOUTHERN EDUCATION.

LYON GARDINER TYLER, '76.

Dr. Lyon Gardiner Tyler has been an untiring worker in two distinct fields. In the one, as an educational leader, he was one of the two chief founders of the Virginia Mechanics Institute of Richmond, and first President of the reorganized College of William and Mary. In the other field, as research historian, he has made himself the authoritative investigator of colonial Virginia, an interpreter of mid-nineteenth century United States. history, and the defender of the historic viewpoint of the Old South.

Dr. Tyler was called in 1888 to be the seventeenth President of the College of William and Mary. At that time the old college had been closed for seven years, though a valiant struggle had been made by its President, Colonel Benjamin S. Ewell, to keep it open after its overwhelming losses during the war period. Dr. Tyler, as a member of the House of Delegates from Richmond, fought the bill for state aid to the college safely through the legislature, and assisted by an able faculty, guided successfully the activities of the institution to its present state of prosperity. As the first president after the reopening, he gave to William and Mary the predominant influence that determined its character and development. That the second oldest of American colleges is a live educational force in Virginia today is due largely to the unflagging energies of its president.

Nor has Dr. Tyler's influence in the educational world been limited to his work at William and Mary. As early as 1884 he was associated with Mr. Overton Howard, of Richmond, in founding the Virginia Mechanics Institute, being a member of its Board and a teacher there for four years. In 1903 he was elected by the Senate of Virginia a member of the recently established Board of Education, of which, during his term of office of four years, he was an active and influential member.

Dr. Tyler first became known as an historian in 1884, when he began the publication of his "Letters and Times of the Tylers." This three volume work is replete with original material and informed interpretation of the period of the two John Ty