can prevent the financing of industrial enterprises that would compete with their own enterprises.

Now any effort to attack these masters of finance which proceeds upon the theory that they have made a deliberate conspiracy against the public welfare is bound to fail. They use their undue power quite as often for the public welfare especially when it pays them and sometimes when it does not pay themas they use it against it. They are the inevitable results of a condition.

The sensible effort to make is to try, by natural methods, to change this condition. Now the keystone of this condition is the industrial trusts, in which these masters of finance are interested. Many of them are trusts that have a practical monopoly won by special privileges and private power in the Government.

It is not granted by the best thinkers, nor is it believed by the people, that the period of competition in most industries is passed. A street railway, a waterpower, many lines of railroads such things as these must be monopolies. But the manufacture of articles of food and of daily use these cannot be monopolized except by the controlling ownership of the supply of raw materials or by governmental favors.

The problem is not to permit the growth of monopolies and then to try to regulate them, but rather to bring about a condition in which they cannot flourish except, of course, the "natural" monopolies, which must be regulated. And thus a long step at least may be taken toward the restoration of competition.

Perhaps the strong and noisy and rushing trusts of our time have somewhat confused our thought and made us speak of "a new era," when the truth was that we were passing through a temporary phase of tyranny and mystification.

cities, most of them to become parts of the unproductive population. Now, if the better you make a thing the worse off you are, something is wrong.

So at least and at last the people of Colebrook, N. H., thought; and they have broadened their "academy," which is their high school, so as to train "the strongest youth toward the farm and the industries, instead of toward the professions and business exclusively"; for "the primary object of the education of the boy and the girl is to become a sincere and efficient and happy man and woman, capable of becoming an educated worker with material things, capable of getting life's happiness out of work rather than out of the leisure which comes after work, if indeed it comes at all."

All this is true so true that it seems a waste of words to say it. But it is the "educational" way of announcing that the Colebrook Academy has built "a greenhouse, a dairy laboratory, a domestic arts department, and a workshop including a carpenter and blacksmith shop,' and that "complete courses are given in agriculture and domestic science. Colebrook is the centre of a rural district and these are the vital interests of a large part of the population."

An admirable change, a necessary change, a change above praise. But it comes hard to the old-time educational habit of mind. For you have to read all this about it, in the bulletin issued by the United States Bureau of Education:

Starting in the first third of the century as a private school, Colebrook Academy later became part of the public system of education. For years it has successfully done the work expected of a high school in the traditional branches of the New England school. Now it is trying to do something more. Without lowering its standards, without ceasing to furnish the training necessary for those going into the professions, it is endeavoring to provide an adequate education for the great mass of boys and girls who ought to remain and grow up with the country. It is seeking, in other words, to readjust itself to the needs of the particular community in which it is.

Colebrook Academy does not propose to become a vocational school. It remains a general high school. The courses in agricul

ture and domestic science exist side by side with thorough courses in the traditional highschool subjects, as well as the commercial branches. "Its purpose is not primarily to make good farmers, or skilled mechanics, or professional housekeepers," says Hon. H. C. Morrison, State Superintendent of New Hampshire.

And so on. Well, it would be churlish. to quarrel with men who have done so good a thing. Words are cheap and plentiful and often they serve consolatory and apologetic, as well as elucidating Since Colebrook Academy will now go about its right task, the verbose readjustments of the pedagogical mind need. not disturb anything but the muscles with which you smile.

uses.

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done smiling,

And when you have got ask yourself this question whether the whether the public school nearest you, in which as a good citizen you have a direct interest, is doing its job, as Colebrook Academy is doing its job. And if it is not, to what extent are you to blame? How we do love to read about tasks at a distance and to criticize people who fail to do them or to cheer them when they do them right! This is easier by far than to buckle down to our own duties.

THE CARIBBEAN CRISIS

T

HREE thousand of our marines,

some time ago, temporarily quieted a revolution in Nicaragua, but their withdrawal, it was feared, would be the signal of renewed massacre. Meanwhile business and labor was suspended; money disappeared from circulation, and people died of starvation. Citizens of the adjoining state of Costa Rica, the most stable of Central American countries, united in a demand that we withdraw from Nicaragua.

We have found it necessary to interfere actively again in Santo Domingo, where for several years we have had the customs under our protection. Insurrections on various coasts of the island caused the abandonment of several customs-houses, and the American collectors in charge of them have nothing to do. This cannot be said to reflect glory on the peace

ensuring semi-protectorate which the United States now exercises over Santo Domingo, and 800 marines were sent to set matters right.

The Government of Cuba has again. been in trouble; and the financial and moral bankruptcy of the island is reported to be imminent.

II

The greatest external question confronting the United States is the question of its attitude toward the countries borderWe have no ing the Caribbean Sea. policy regarding these troubled lands and tumultuous peoples. We cannot keep our hands off; we are constantly forced to act, first here, then there, then in three or four countries at once, but we act without any settled plan or conviction. The State Department is at odds with the Senate; the President seems uncertain; and the people have been too busy with other things and too little interested in anything outside our own frontiers, to give the subject any thought.

The first thing to do is to realize the tragic horrors of daily existence in the unhappy lands for which the rest of the world, at all events, holds us responsible. It is surprising to find journals all over the country quoting the recent descriptions of the WORLD'S WORK articles and demanding the abandonment of the Monroe Doctrine, so that European Powers may be free to remedy the intolerable conditions with which we have refused to deal. That is perhaps a hasty conclusion for any responsible man or journal to draw, yet some conclusion, some settled policy, there must be. In addition to our trouble with Santo Domingo and Nicaragua and the danger that we shall have to interfere in Cuba, the Mexican turmoil may grow too serious for toleration. Hayti, Guatemala, and Honduras may "blow up" any day. It is time for the people of the United States to take to heart the gravity of the question, “What is our duty with respect to Caribbean America?" before some swift calamity hurries us, without time for thought, into acts that shall be full of destiny for our future place among the nations of the world.

DISMISSED-VINDICATED

T

HREE years ago much was said in this magazine about the Cunningham claims in Alaska. Mr. Louis R. Glavis and Mr. Gifford Pinchot, it will be recalled, were dismissed from the public service because of the controversy provoked by their declaring these claims fraudulent. Mr. Richard Ballinger was Secretary of the Interior, and he withstood for a time the shocks of public indignation, President Taft continuing his support.

These incidents are now recalled by the recent rejection of these claims by Secretary Fisher; and this rejection is an official declaration that Mr. Pinchot and Mr. Glavis were right to whom, so far as the public knows, no apology has been offered.

THE NEAR MILLENIUM IN KANSAS

M

R. JOHN S. DAWSON, the Attorney-General of Kansas, in a letter in aid of the cause of prohibition recently wrote:

The test of the value of prohibition is the net result for Kansas in thirty years. Almost a third of the entire population is enrolled in school. Illiteracy has been reduced from 49 per cent. to less than 2 per cent., and that trifling amount is almost entirely among the foreign element.

With 105 counties in the state, 87 of them have no insane; 54 have no feeble-minded; 96 have no inebriates, and the few we do have

come from the cities which defied the law to the very last. Thirty-eight county poor farms have no inmates. There is only one pauper to every 3,000 population. In July, 1911, 53 county jails were empty, 65 counties had no prisoners serving sentences. Some counties have not called a jury to try a criminal case in ten years, and a grand jury is so uncommon that half of our people wouldn't know what it is. In my home county in Western Kansas there has been but one Grand Jury and that was twenty-five years ago.

Whether or not these things are altogether due to prohibition, the consumption of liquor in Kansas has been reduced, until now (according to the statistics) the average Kansan drinks only $1.48

worth a year. Thirty years ago he had $29.60 worth of strong drink, and in the neighboring state of Missouri at present the average consumption is $24 worth a year.

The condition of Kansas is not quite so near the millenium as the figures of the Attorney-General indicate. For example, many of the schools, notwithstanding that they have overcome illiteracy, are the old-fashioned inadequate one and two room affairs that prepare their scholars but little for modern life. In many of the counties that boast of no paupers the standards of country life are not as high as they could be or will be. And yet, in spite of these limitations, it is a very remarkable showing that Kansas has made - a showing that might tempt other states to take stock of the condition of their people's lawlessness, ignorance, inebriety, and poverty. A state that is getting rid of these restraints of right living is certainly preparing for the happiness and prosperity of its people.

A CHANGE IN AMERICAN CITIES FORMER resident of New York, returning recently after four years' absence, was most impressed by the change in color of the buildings. In his memory the old tone of the city was fixed by its miles of brownstone fronts and by the dingy drab or dull red of the office buildings. On his return the other day he found this monotony of sombreness broken in a thousand places by high colors. The new skyscrapers and loft buildings are almost all in white, and many an old four-story brick is lively with new paint in gayer shades. The architecture, too, has responded to the brighter mood; massive effects have given way to airy towers that lightly attempt the clouds.

Governor Wilson and Mr. Roosevelt. The contest for the control of the antiDemocratic organization during the next four years is between Mr. Roosevelt and Mr. Taft.

Alike to the discussion and to the noise, the President has contributed least- both he and his friends. He has respected the dignity of his office and refrained from making speeches. His friends have conducted a somewhat tame campaign, but they have done for their party quite all that it was dignified and proper to do; for they rest their case on the President's record in office and depend on the Republican organization.

Mr. Taft, all fair-minded men will agree, has failed to receive the credit due him. He has not been a successful party-leader, nor has he shown the skill to put into law the policies that he took up. But, as Presidents came and went during, let us say, the period from Grant to Roosevelt, he has deserved far better of his party and of his country than the contemptuous treatment that he has received from Mr. Roosevelt and his followers.

Mr. Roosevelt and his Third Party are cutting an important and somewhat portentous figure with their many-planked platform. The economic planks of the party its tariff board, the confused and contradictory and unthought-out interpretation of the tariff made by Mr. Roose velt himself; its proposed Board of Corporation Management; its minimum-wage scheme, and such like plans do not commend themselves to the well-trained economic mind; but the moral purpose of many men and women of this party has brought a new note into a national campaign. What Mr. Roosevelt calls "social justice" is a very real demand; and the aspiration for the betterment of living conditions has caught the enthusiasm of many of the best men and women in the land. Of course, too, it has caught the "social reform" cranks. Yet the improvement of the common lot of the toiling. millions- this is more than a popular doctrine: it is also a crying need. To what To what extent the National Government, especially the Presidency, is a proper or possible machine for bringing social justice is de

batable. But it is instructive to use a Presidential campaign to emphasize these aspirations; and we shall be the better off for the arousement of this party.

As for the political effect of his campaign, we shall know more four years hence; for by that time it will have become clearer whether the old Democratic party is capable of becoming an orderly and selfrestrained instrument of government, and whether the Republican party can recover from this serious breach.

Hazardous and foolish as political prophecy is, it seems now practically certain that Governor Wilson will be elected. Add to the inherent strength of his personality and of his principles the breach in the Republican party, and it becomes almost impossible to forecast any other result.

Governor Wilson's contribution to the campaign has been exceedingly instructive. An excellent speaker without boisterousness, a vigorous debater without bitterness, colloquial with dignity, aggressive without abuse he has captured the convictions and the loyalty of men of his own party and of many independents as well. "Free the Government from private control," has been his cry; and it has met the response that it deserves.

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It is, in fact, the beginning of a new era in our political life. The old-time campaign methods are passed the method of practically buying an election with huge campaign funds, the method of invisible rule. The open door, the voluntary fund, the coming of the people again. into more direct management of their Government — these things things are more nearly true than they have been during any preceding campaign that men now living can recall.

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THE NEXT SENATE

ENATORS of the United States at present number 94. A full Senate would number 96, but there are just now two vacant seats: one from Illinois and the other from Colorado.

The terms of 32 Senators expire next March; of these 19 are Republicans and 13 Democrats. These leave hold-over

This would make (Illinois electing two) 47 Republicans and 42 Democrats, with 7 seats still uncounted.

These are the Senators to be chosen from Maine, West Virginia, California, Nebraska, Tennessee, Montana, and Nevada. The legislatures in the five lastnamed states are now Democratic, and the chances are that they will be so when Senators are chosen. This would bring the Democratic membership of the Senate up to 47, the same as the Republican membership. Maine and West Virginia afford no good ground for prediction, but it seems likely that neither Republicans nor Democrats will have a very strong majority. The advantage, in any case, will lie with the Democrats, for among the Senators above listed as "Republican" will be a dozen Insurgents and Progressives, who would be far more likely to support than to oppose the policies of a Democratic President like Wilson.

and it goes a good way toward making a large fund unnecessary. Of course contributions from sources that seek secrecy can yet be made to various state committees, and the "openness" of the contribution-box can easily be evaded in other ways. But this good "open" practice has put the committees themselves and the candidates on their honor; and it is the first step and a long steptoward honest elections.

In preceding campaigns few men cared how much money a candidate had, where he got it, or how he spent it. But the awakening of a public conscience has been. swift; and the new spirit of jealous integrity with which we now watch the gathering of political funds and prepare to scrutinize the sworn statements of their expenditure is astonishing. The influence of Mr. Hanna is at last passing.

So complete is the popular revulsion against large funds that the committees are in danger of having less money than they really need. Fifteen thousand dollars is the average of the price paid by each of the three big party committees for their New York headquarters alone. The Bull Mooses have a hotel floor; the Republicans and the Democrats extensive suites in expensive business buildings on Broadway. The Roosevelt boomers hired their quarters furnished in the best hotel style; they had only to import some extra desks and typewriters and a safe. The Democrats put in $7,500 worth of furniture; they did not buy this outright, but bargained for its use for three months for 40 per cent. of its price. For furniture and woodwork the Democratic headquarters at Chicago paid $8,000.

The numbers of salaried employees of course vary, but at least a hundred clerks, stenographers, and book-keepers are visible at the Democratic rooms in New York, to say nothing of salaried men in more important positions for, while there are plenty of volunteers, much of the steady work, even at the heads of bureaus, is done by paid experts. Then there are the speakers. Few of them draw salaries, but the expenses of nearly all are paid, and the oratorical item is a costly one. The "Speakers' Bureau" expenses of Mr.

the speakers.