In one or two concluding chapters, Dr. Iglehart compares some of the achievements of Roosevelt with the storied tasks of Hercules. Thus the book is not merely a labor of love and appreciation, but it is an unusual book in its range of fresh information. It will be welcome in that it sustains so fully the best of the Roosevelt traditions. The nation wishes to believe in its leaders; and the spirit of hero-worship is still eager in its quests. Americans like to be told that Roosevelt was highly worthy of affection and honor; and Dr. Iglehart's book will do much to convince the next generation as well as to satisfy contemporaries.

One of the men most intimately associated with Colonel Roosevelt in his political activities during the period following his retirement from the White House was Dr. William Draper Lewis, formerly Dean of the University of Pennsylvania Law School. From the great mass of available material left by Colonel Roosevelt in the form of letters, addresses, editorials, articles and books, Dr. Lewis has constructed a well-rounded biography which is notable for its calm and judicious survey of Roosevelt's public life and particularly of the rise, growth and decline of the Progressive party. A remarkably sympathetic introduction is supplied by ex-President Taft.

The Life of Theodore Roosevelt. By William Draper Lewis. Philadelphia, Chicago: The John C. Winston Company. 480 pp. Ill.

A new edition of James Morgan's "Theodore Roosevelt, the Boy and the Man," with added chapters covering the period 1907-19, pictures the man rather than the politician.2 The first edition, completed while President Roosevelt was still in the White House, presented its hero as a living man at work, and the author has wisely left those chapters unchanged. For much of his material the author acknowledges indebtedness to "Theodore Roosevelt, the Citizen," by Jacob A. Riis.

In Niel MacIntyre's "Great Heart: the Life Story of Theodore Roosevelt," we have a running narrative rather than a detailed study of Roosevelt's career and personality. General Leonard Wood has written an introduction to the book.3

"The Boys' Life of Theodore Roosevelt," by Hermann Hagedorn-a book completed some months before Colonel Roosevelt's death-is not likely to be superseded in its field. It is more than a spirited life-story of its subject, for in his sense of the actuality of Roosevelt's many human contacts the author was led to enlarge the scope of the book and to make of it almost a picture of contemporary America.

2Theodore Roosevelt: The Boy and the Man. James Morgan. Macmillan. 350 pp. Ill.

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THE old open-door policy in regard to immigration which has hitherto prevailed in the Dominion of Canada is now a thing of the past. The amendment to the Immigration Act, which was passed at the recent session of the Canadian House of Commons, provides the machinery for effectually putting up the bars against undesirable immigrants to the Dominion, and this legislation will go into effect before the end of the year.

The nine important changes in the immigration policy provide for:

(1) Extension of the prohibitant clauses to all, including Britishers-to exclude those suffering from diseases or bad habits, criminalism, folk of low mentality, etc.

(2) To establish such machinery as will see this exclusion efficiently and sufficiently applied.

(3) To extend the time for deporting aliens, if found to be undesirable, from three to five years.

(4) Greater responsibility in connection with the transportation of immigrants and increased penalties for not giving these facilities.

(5) The barring of all skilled and unskilled labor from Asia.

(6) To admit only such people as can be readily absorbed and assimilated.

(7) To secure farmers with some capital and farm help, male and female.

(8) To secure later settlers from among Imperial soldiers.

(9) To abolish, possibly, the head tax on Chinese and enter into an agreement with the Chinese Government to admit only limited numbers.

The announced policy of the government has been heartily approved by organized labor and the Great War Veterans, who contend that while the financial, transportation, and industrial problems demand an increase in population, the government should protect the welfare of the country and the future generations by making the present laws more stringent.

Immigration Before the War

It may be interesting to consider the immigration figures for Canada during recent years. During a term of ten years prior to the war over 2,500,000 immigrants entered Canada. About 1,000,000 of these came from Great Britain, 850,000 from the United States, and 675,000 from other countries. But while this total figures out at an average of 250,000 a year-quite enough, considering the total population-as a matter of fact the tide was a rapidly rising one. For instance, in 1905 the total was 146,000, while in 1913 the top of the wave was reached by gradual stages with a total of 402,000. Of the 675,000 coming under the classification "from other countries"-and in that list nearly fifty races were specified-the leaders are Austrians with 150,000, Italians with 100,000, and Russians with 80,000. significant that in the last year of the decade the leaders above cited increased their entries very largely.

With these figures and the experience of the war in mind, the government has tried to find an economic solution of the immigration problem. The condition of the immigrant in his own home country and the hope held out to him of an improvement in his condition, have furnished the main motive for the continuous movement to Canada in recent years. It has been a curious fact that the curves of imports and immigration into both Canada and the United States correspond with astonishing regularity.

The situation has been taken advantage of by many agencies, chief among which are the steamship companies and the labor agents who before the war exploited the movement for all it was worth. The result has been, according to government reports, that instead of attracting, as in the old days, the men of adventure and independence, prepared to face the hardships of a new land, the way has been made to appear easy and the unfortunate immigrant has found himself dumped into

the larger centers without access to the land which he so much desired to make his own.

Restrictive Measures

In moving the reading of the bill to amend the Immigration Act, Hon. J. A. Calder, Minister of Immigration and Colonization, stated to Parliament that the government had decided definitely on restrictive measures, and that these would be put in force as soon as the proper legislation was forthcoming. "Since I have become Minister of Immigration and Colonization," said Mr. Calder, "all sorts of suggestions have poured in upon me from many sources. This indicates very clearly that our people are taking a deep interest in the matter of immigration and that they are anxious that we should review the whole situation at this session of Parliament with the object of strengthening our present laws in order that the mistakes which have been made in the past may be avoided in the future."

Mr. Calder stated that he had not intended bringing down the present measure of legislation until it was definitely known what the Peace Conference was going to do in regard to the matter. However, it had not been touched upon in the Peace Treaty, and apparently was to be left to each nation to determine its own policy.

"In determining the immigration policy for the Dominion," said the Minister, "we should have the absolute right as a nation to determine for ourselves what our future citizenship shall be. And while we lay that doctrine down for ourselves we should be prepared to concede it for every other nation. I would even go so far as to say that we should not be tied down by any treaties or agreements of which we have no knowledge or to which our consent has not been given."

Interpreting the new Act, Mr. Calder stated that the existing immigration law, together with the new bill, provided for the exclusion of certain prohibited classes which included persons suffering from some loathsome disease, of weak mentality, and those who were recognized as criminals or of bad character.

HON. J. A. CALDER, CANADIAN MINISTER OF
IMMIGRATION AND COLONIZATION

Mr. Calder is looked upon as one of the "strong men" in Sir Robert Borden's cabinet, and is credited with having the confidence of the people in the western provinces of Canada in greater degree than any other man in public life. For a decade prior to his entry into the cabinet he had been Treasurer and Minister of Education for the province of Saskatchewan)

who should not have come in is simply because the necessary money was not expended to provide the machinery to keep them out.

It is the intention of the government to extend to five years, as is the case in the United States, the time during which undesirables who get into the country may be proven such and then deported. Heretofore the period has been only three years but we are going to adopt the five-year period, not because they have it in the United States, but because we think it is necessary to have a longer period in order to ascertain whether certain entrants are proven desirable.

Discouraging an Influx of Labor

Mr. Calder pointed out that the government had found it necessary to take steps against increasing any unemployment which might exist in Canada. "At all our ports of entry since the armistice," he said, "we have been discouraging the entry of skilled and unskilled labor. Some months ago an Order-in-Council was passed prohibiting the entry of skilled and unskilled labor from Asia to British Columbia. That Order-inCouncil is still in force, and it is proposed

to keep it in force." The Minister added that in the immediate future and for some years to come the efforts of the Department would be directed chiefly towards procuring experienced farmers who had the necessary capital to establish themselves in Canada. "Our free lands are largely gone," he said, "and in the future if people wish to go on the land in western Canada it will be very necessary that they should have some capital. We still have large areas in northern Quebec and Ontario, and in the hinterland of the western provinces, available as homesteads, but these areas are far removed from railroad facilities and it is going to be difficult to get people to go in and settle upon them."

Mr. Calder informed the House that at the present time the Immigration Department was carrying on publicity work in only two countries-Great Britain and the United States. "So far as the continent of Europe is concerned," he continued, "we early in the war withdrew our agents and closed our offices. There are thousands upon thousands of British people who would like to emigrate to Canada to-day if they had the opportunity, but conditions are such as to make that absolutely impossible. When the armistice was signed an Order-in-Council was put through under Section 38 of the Act prohibiting the entrance of all persons from enemy countries-Germany, Austria, Bulgaria, and Turkey and this it is proposed to keep in force.

It

"So far as the Chinese question is concerned," continued the Minister, "I am inclined to the view that a very great mistake was made in arranging for a head tax. seems to me that by this arrangement we have simply commercialized the business of bringing in Chinese immigrants, and I believe there would be fewer Chinese coming into Canada if the head tax had never been imposed. As it is, individuals and companies have become interested in advancing this head tax to young Chinamen desirous of coming to this country, and I am informed that these young men live in semi-slavery here until such time as that head tax is paid back, probably twice over."

In answer to a question by Mr. T. M. Tweedie, Mr. Calder made the positive announcement that as soon as the present bill was approved by the House the government intended passing an Order-in-Council which would exclude the emigrating of Hutterites and Mennonites from the United States into

Canada. "Those who are now in Canada, however," he said, "have come in under the existing law and could not, therefore, be deported."

Those Not Likely to Become Citizens to Be Kept Out

Mr. Calder went on to say that in the past both Canada and the United States had followed the policy of the open door in the matter of immigration. "And," he added, "it has been a pretty wide-open door. All nationalities have been invited, and millions of dollars have been spent in assisting these people to come to this continent. But in Canada the time has come for us seriously to consider certain features of immigration. We have learned during the course of the last two or three years that the people of today have a trust for the people of to-morrow. We have learned that we must, at all costs, protect the citizenship of our country. The feeling that is running throughout the length and breadth of Canada to-day is that we have been too liberal in the past; that we have not safeguarded our own interests as we should; that we must be more careful in the future; that we must admit only those who can be readily assimilated-such as those who are prepared to become part of us and not merely to live amongst us. If there are any peculiar peoples whose customs and beliefs, whose ideals and modes of life are dissimilar to ours, and who are not likely to become Canadian citizens, we have the right to put up the bars and keep them out. I may tell the House and the people that the government proposes to do that."

In closing, Mr. Calder stated that the policy of the Canadian Government towards immigration would be directed along two lines: First, towards increasing the agricultural population, and second, towards providing under the existing law and with the proposed bill for the exclusion of certain classes of people who cannot be readily absorbed into our population at the present time. "We must protect ourselves so far as the future is concerned," said the Minister. "We have a very large problem on our hands and its difficulties should not be unduly increased. What the policy of Canada will be two, three, four, five, or ten years from now, can be settled by the Parliament of those days. For the present the government believes that the bars should be put up to a very considerable extent."

But will it be the controlling force in international life? Any reply to this query is, of course, the most venturesome of predictions. The future "lies on the knees of the

divinity." But man never actually stops there. Every human action is a surmise, a reckoning of probabilities, a wager on a futurity. Moreover, those who say most boldly, "Of course there will always be wars!" are themselves rashest and most selfconfident prophets.

These last are of two classes. The first merely repeat: "It always has been; therefore it always will be." This is hardly worthy the name of reasoning, or thought, at all. This "argument" has been falsified innumerable times. Aristotle accounted master and slave one of the three necessary relations, for which the "lesser tribes" were created by a kindly providence. The necessity for torturing an unwilling witness, the political and social subjection of women, the impossibility of a heavier-than-air flying-machine, were all, not so long ago, axioms of general belief. Hydrophobia, it was agreed only a generation since, is incurable. Past recurrence is no criterion at all, unless it has revealed irremovable conditions, of which wars are the evident and inevitable result. Evolution, progress, not changeless repetition, is the law and essential condition of life.

The other class accepts all this, but sees

in progress itself constant new causes for strife, like the Darwinian struggle for the survival of the fittest.

Now one unquestioned fact is the everincreasing solidarity, interdependence, of the nations. The world-war itself has emphasized this, by revealing how difficult it was, even for the remotest nations, to hold aloof, and how impossible to escape a vital shock. The age of "splendid isolation" is past. The lesser states, in particular, have learned, that they can find no safety unless united in large confederations. Commerce, labor, property, more and more require international legislation, codes, courts.

America, and the far East, may yet hold aloof from the European Allies. There may be three or four great confederations. This would be but a next natural step in the series of fusions that have ended the private duel, war between neighbor-castles, villages, provinces even led to union of the four kingdoms, and scores of lesser units in Germany. One hundred and twenty millions (of all racial stocks, one might add) in the United States, 400,000,000 Chinese, have proved not impossible political units. The whole population of the globe is hardly enough for four Chinas. The problem of an organized world-state is, at any rate, not so vast as to be unimaginable.

But suppose, even, a perfect momentary equilibrium established, every borderline accepted, all national jealousies and antipathies ended. Yet prolific and stationary populations, enterprising and sluggish races, if side by side, or the discovery of coal, iron, radium, or some new natural treasure, in either country, will rudely disturb that balance.

Still, all such inequalities exist to-day, in families, neighbor-towns, states, without precipitating bloodshed. Many such dangers can be foreseen, also, and lessened by wise