They arrived off Tripoli in August, and finding that the Bashaw had declared war against the United States, they blockaded Tripoli, and captured a polacre of 14 guns.

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Among the persons who presented themselves to Mr. Jef ferson's mind as fit for the office of minister of France, was Mr. Short, his former secretary of legation. His discretion, good sense, and exact business habits strongly recommended him for such an office, and no one more possessed his confidence or stood higher in his regards; but believing that Mr. Short's long absence from the United States formed a solid objection to his appointment, he made his private predilections, as in the case of Paine he had made considerations of policy, yield to his sense of duty. He thus frankly writes to Mr. Short on the subject by Chancellor Livingston :When I returned from France, after an absence of six or seven years, I was astonished at the change which I found had taken place in the United States in that time. No more like the same people-their notions, their habits and manners, the course of their commerce, so totally changed, that I, who stood in those of 1784, found myself not at all qualified to speak of their sentiments, or forward their views in 1790. Very soon, therefore, after entering on the office of secretary of state, I recommended to General Washington to establish as a rule of practice, that no person should be continued on a foreign mission beyond an absence of six, seven, or eight years. He approved it. On the only subsequent missions which took place in my time, the persons appointed were notified that they could not be continued beyond that period. All returned within it except Humphreys. His time was not quite out when General Washington went out of office. The succeeding administration had no rule for anything, so he continued. Immediately on my coming to the administration, I wrote to him myself; reminded him of the rule I had communicated to him on his departure; that he had

been then absent about eleven years, and consequently must return. On this ground solely he was superseded. Under these circumstances, your appointment was impossible after an absence of seventeen years. Under any others, I should never fail to give to yourself and the world proofs of my friendship for you, and of my confidence in you."

He thus briefly sketches, and, as it is believed, correctly sketches, the political aspect of the day. "The state of political opinion continues to return steadily towards republicanism. To judge from the opposition papers, a stranger would suppose that a considerable check to it had been produced by certain removals of public officers. But this is not the case. All offices were in the hands of the federalists. The injustice of having totally excluded republicans was acknowledged by every man. To have removed one half, and to have placed republicans in their stead, would have been rigorously just, when it was known that these composed a very great majority of the nation. Yet such was their moderation in most of the states, that they did not desire it. In these, therefore, no removals took place but for malversations. In the middle states the contention had been higher; spirits were more sharpened and less accommodating. It was necessary in these to practise a different treatment, and to make a few changes to tranquillize the injured party. A few have been made, a very few still remain to be made. When this painful operation shall be over, I see nothing else ahead of us which can give uneasiness to any of our citizens, or retard that consolidation of sentiment so essential to our happiness and strength."

Referring to the rapid growth of the country, as indicated by the recent census, he says, "If we can delay but for a few years the necessity of vindicating the laws of nature on the ocean, we shall be the more sure of doing it with effect. The day is within my time as well as yours, when we may say by

And we

what laws other nations shall treat us on the sea. will say it. In the mean time we wish to let every treaty we have drop off without renewal."

The methodical habits of business to which Mr. Jefferson had always been familiar, he sought to introduce into his cabinet, and in all the departments of the administration. On the 6th of November he addressed a circular to the heads of the departments, on the subject of their modes of communication with the president, and of transacting official business. He details the practice "pursued by General Washington, by which he saw everything, to whatever department it was addressed; he formed a central point for the different branches; preserved a unity of object and action among them; exercised that participation in the gestion of affairs which his office made incumbent on him; and met himself the due responsibility for whatever was done"and he recommended it to their adoption.

Congress having assembled on the first Monday in December, on the following day Mr. Jefferson, in pursuance of his predetermined purpose, addressed the following letter to the speaker, instead of a speech, as had been the previous practice :—

"Sir: The circumstances under which we find ourselves at this place rendering inconvenient the mode heretofore practised, of making by personal address the first communications between the legislative and executive branches, I have adopted that by message, as used on all subsequent occasions through the session. In doing this I have had principal regard to the convenience of the legislature, to the economy of their time, to their relief from the embarrassment of immediate answers on subjects not yet fully before them, and to the benefits thence resulting to the public affairs. Trusting that a procedure founded on these motives will meet their approbation, I beg leave, through you, Sir, to com

municate the enclosed message, with the documents accompanying it, to the honourable the Senate, and pray you to accept for yourself and them the homage of my high respect and consideration." The reason, however, which weighed with him probably more than any other, was that a speech savoured of the forms of royalty, and was passed over in silence. But he well knew that this motive would be fully understood and properly appreciated by those whose favour and approbation he was most desirous of obtaining.

In this message he notices the recent peace in Europe in terms of congratulation, and expresses the hope that the wrongs which neutral nations had suffered during the war would now be repaired. He mentions the pacific temper of the Indians, their progress in the useful arts, and their consequent increase in numbers. The recent hostilities with Tripoli, and the efficient measures we had taken to defend our commerce in the Mediterranean, were stated, and further measures as to this and the other Barbary powers were recommended.

Passing then to matters of internal policy, he mentions the late census, which indicates a duplication of numbers in little more than twenty-two years-an increase of revenue far greater than that of population; and that although it would probably be effected by our foreign relations, yet he thought we might dispense with all the internal taxes, excise, and the postage on newspapers.

He suggests, however, that this diminution of burthens must be accompanied by a diminution of expense: he recommends a reduction of the civil list, the army and navy, and says he has already begun the reduction when he had the powers of multiplying barriers against public waste, "by appropriating specific sums to every specific purpose susceptible of definition; by disallowing all applications of money varying from the appropriation in object, or transcending it

in amount; by reducing the undefined field of contingencies, and thereby circumscribing discretionary powers over money; and by bringing back to a single department all accountabilities for money, where the examinations may be prompt, ef

ficacious, and uniform."

An attention to the militia, as our main reliance for defence, is earnestly pressed. As to the navy, while he admits that a small force will probably be needed for the Mediterranean service, he thinks the other expenditure had better be in providing such articles as may be kept without waste, until any public exigency required them. Fortifications and navy yards are mentioned in a way to lessen the amount ordinarily expended on them, rather than to keep it up. After stating that "Agriculture, manufactures, commerce, and navigation, the four pillars of our prosperity, are then most thriving when left most free to individual enterprise," he admits that "protection from casual embarrassment, however, may sometimes be seasonably interposed." He calls the attention of Congress to the judiciary system, and especially that portion of it recently erected, and promises to furnish them with statements of the business previously depending in the courts, that they may judge of the proportion between the courts and the duties assigned to them. The importance of jury trial and their impartial selection is also recommended to their notice. He concludes with recommending a revisal of the laws of naturalization, and suggests that a residence of fourteen years, as was then one of the requisites, was too long. "And shall we refuse," he asks, “to the unhappy fugitives from distress that hospitality which the savages of the wilderness extended to our fathers arriving in this land? Shall oppressed humanity find no asylum on this globe?"

This message, as was to be expected, was vehemently assailed by the federal party. The points deemed most ex

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