not fail to be the effect." These were " the alien and sedition laws, the vexations of the Stamp Act, the disgusting particularities of the direct tax, the additional army without an enemy, and recruiting officers lounging at every courthouse, to decoy the labourer from his plough; a navy of fifty ships, five millions to be raised to build it, on the usu rious interest of eight per cent.; the perseverance in war on our part, when the French government shows such an anxious desire to keep at peace with us; taxes of ten millions now paid by four millions of people, and yet a necessity, in a year or two, of raising five millions more for annual expenses." -He solemnly denies all agency in Logan's voyage to Europe. He merely gave him a certificate of citizenship, as he had given to hundreds of others of both parties.

It appeared to Mr. Jefferson and his party friends, that the ensuing summer was the moment for exertion, for the purpose of profiting by the unpopularity of the alien and sedition laws, and the new taxes, and thus counteracting the influence of the despatches from France. The public sentiment being on the turning point, or " on the creen," as he expresses it, and many circumstances favouring the republican cause, he remarks, to Mr. Madison, " This summer is the season for systematic energies and sacrifices. The engine is the press. Every man must lay his purse and his pen under contribution. As to the former, it is possible I may be obliged to assume something for you. As to the latter, let me pray and beseech you to set apart a certain portion of every day to write what may be proper for the public."

About a fortnight after the preceding letter, he renewed his application to the venerable Judge Pendleton, then verging towards eighty, to take up his pen. He says, "The violations of the Constitution, propensities to war, to expense, and to a particular foreign connexion, which we have lately

He

seen, are becoming evident to the people, and are dispelling that mist which XYZ had spread before their eyes.' gives a flattering account of the political changes which the alien and sedition laws were effecting in Pennsylvania, New York, and New Jersey; adverts to the danger in Pennsylvania of insurrection, and judiciously remarks that nothing could be so fatal to the republican interests. "Anything like force would check the progress of the public opinion, and rally them round the government.”. . . . . " If we can keep quiet, therefore, the tide now turning will take a speedy and proper direction." This wholesome advice was recollected the following year by his friends, when strongly tempted to disregard it by the popular odium attending the execution of the sedition law.

He then enters into some details to prove that France was desirous of a reconciliation, and that the administration endeavoured to provoke her to hostilities. He admits that the French have behaved atrociously towards foreign nations, and to us particularly, and adds, that "their enemies set the first example of violating neutral rights, and continue it to this day. Yet not a word of these things is said officially to the legislature."

Indeed it was evident, not merely from the liberation of American prisoners at Guadaloupe, but the whole course of the French government, that after the first expression of ill-humour towards this country, when they discovered the resentment their treatment of our envoys had excited, and that they had added to the strength of the friends of England, and lessened that of their own, they were sincerely disposed to arrest the progress of the mischief, and to effect a reconciliation with the United States. But whether they would have felt the same disposition if their conduct had been less warmly or generally resented, may be very fairly questioned. Actuated by these pacific views, they made over

tures which the President did not think it prudent or proper to decline, and which eventually had great influence on the feelings of both parties. The President's message to the Senate on this subject is thus mentioned by Mr. Jefferson in a letter to Mr. Madison, of the 19th of February:

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But the event of events was announced to the Senate yesterday. It is this:-It seems that some time after Gerry's departure, overtures must have been made by Pichon, French chargé d'affaires at the Hague, to Vans Murray.* They were so soon matured, that on the 28th of September, 1798, Talleyrand writes to Pichon, approving what had been done, and particularly of his having assured Murray that whatever plenipotentiary the government of the United States should send to France, would be received with the respect due to the representative of a free, independent and powerful nation; declaring that the dispositions of the French government have always conformed to the President's instructions to his envoys at Paris, and desiring him to communicate these expressions to Murray, to be conveyed to his government. This letter of Talleyrand's may have been received by Pichon on the 1st of October, and, of course, nearly five months have been suffered to elapse before it is communicated."

On that day the President nominated Mr. Murray minister to France, and at the same time stated that he would be instructed not to go to France without satisfactory assurances from the French government that he should be received with proper respect, and that a minister of equal rank would be appointed to negotiate with him.

It appeared that, in taking this step, the ruling party were divided, and that it was disapproved by a majority of the cabinet, and by the great body of the federalists in both

* William Vans Murray of Maryland, then American minister to Holland,

houses. Some had such a hatred and dread of French principles in government and morals, that they would rather encounter the evils of war with France, than risk a closer connexion: but many also apprehended that, by a settlement of our differences with that country, they must lose much of the advantage over their adversaries which they then possessed: that the military ardour which had been aroused would subside; and the sense of common danger, and the feelings of national pride and resentment would no longer afford their powerful support to the government; that when these counteractions of the alien and sedition laws and the new taxes should be removed, the inherent unpopularity of these acts would bring the administration into discredit with the people, and give their rivals the ascendency; for the angry passions of party zealots, deprived of all other objects, would concentre on the two obnoxious laws and other measures of the federalists, against which they already had evidence of a strong popular leaning.

son.

This last view did not escape the sagacity of Mr. JefferAfter speaking of the dismay and confusion which this unexpected communication occasioned among the federalists, he adds, "It silences all arguments against the sincerity of France, and renders desperate every further effort towards war."

A letter written a few days afterwards by Mr. Jefferson to Kosciusko, though it speaks of the issue of war or peace as uncertain, shows that the political principles of either party would prevail, according to the decision of that question. "What course," he remarks," the government will pursue, I know not. But if we are left in peace, I have no doubt the wonderful turn in the public opinion now manifestly taking place, and rapidly increasing, will, in the course of this summer, become so universal and so weighty, that friendship abroad and freedom at home will be firmly es

tablished by the influence and constitutional powers of the people at large. If we are forced into war, we must give up political differences of opinion, and unite as one man to defend our country. But whether, at the close of such a war, we should be as free as we are now, God knows. In fine, if war takes place, republicanism has every thing to fear; if peace, be assured that your forebodings and my alarms will prove vain; and that the spirit of our citizens, now rising as rapidly as it was then running crazy, and rising with a strength and majesty which show the loveliness of freedom, will make this government in practice, what it is in principle, a model for the protection of man in a state of freedom and order."

On the 25th of February the President sent in a nomination of Oliver Ellsworth of Connecticut, Patrick Henry of Virginia, and William Vans Murray of Maryland, to be ministers to France, accompanied with a similar declaration as to the two first as had been made in the case of Mr. Murray. Mr. Jefferson thus comments on it :

Adverting to the nomination of Mr. Murray, Mr. Jefferson writes to Mr. Madison, on the 26th of February; he says, "Never did a party show a stronger mortification, and consequently that war had been their object. Dane declared in debate (as I have from those who were present), that we had done every thing which might provoke France to war; that we had given her insults which no nation ought to have borne, and yet she would not declare war. The conjecture as to the executive is, that they received Talleyrand's letter before or about the meeting of Congress: that not meaning to meet the overture effectually, they kept it secret, and let all the war measures go on; but that just before the separation of the Senate, the President, not thinking he could justify the concealing such an overture, nor indeed that it could be concealed, made a nomination, hop