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New Republic. 14:387-8. Ap. 27, '18. American labor party.

W. T. Stone.

New Republic. 16:63-5. Ag. 17, '18.

British labor party.

See page 313.

Nationalism of the

New Republic. 18:397-400. Ap. 26, '19. Why a labor party?
Reprinted in this Handbook.
Public. 21:40-1. Ja. 11, '18.
party.

Public. 21:537-9. Ap. 27, '18. labor party.

America's greatest need; a labor

Public. 21:789-91. Je. 22, '18.
E. M. Jauncey.

Mr. Gompers and the British

Australian labor party. G.

Public. 21:1009-11. Ag. 10, '18. Labor's opportunity in pol

itics.

Public. 22:601-3. Je. 7, '19.
Dilnot.

British labor movement. F.

Survey. 40:7-11. Ap. 6, '18. Two-edged; the British labor offensive. P. V. Kellogg.

Survey. 40:287-9. Je. 8, '18. Labor and politics. J. A. Fitch. Survey. 41:264-5. Labor's fourteen points. (Platform of the Independent Labor Party launched by the Chicago Federation of labor)

World's Work. 37:493-4. Mr. '19. Mr. Gompers opposes an American labor party.

INDUSTRIAL RECONSTRUCTION PROGRAMS

American Contractor. p. 20-21. Mr. 29, '19. Report of Executive Board, Associated General Contractors of America. Annals of the American Academy. 82:124-34. Mr. '19. How American manufacturers view employment relations. I. C. Mason. (Program of the National Association of Manufacturers)

California State Federation of Labor. 19th Annual Convention Proceedings. San Diego, Oct. 7-11, 1918 p. 41-46, 95. Chamber of Commerce of the United States. Referendum No. 27. Washington, D. C. Industrial relations. Committee on Education and Labor. U. S. Senate. Report of hearings on Senate Resolution 382. Ja. 4, '19. p. 41-8. Washington, D. C. (Program of the American Federation of Labor).

Eliot, Charles W. Plan for co-operative management. (See Handbook Employment Management. Daniel Bloomfield.

p. 390-94.)

Forum. 61:186-88. F. '19. The industrial need. John D. Rockefeller, Jr.

National Catholic War Council, Reconstruction pamphlet No. I. Social reconstruction. Washington. 1919.

New Republic. 14:pt 2. F. 16, '18. Labour and the new social order.

New Statesman. 11:244-5. Je. 29, '18. The Labour party conference.

Ohio State Federation of Labor, 35th Annual Convention Proceedings. Columbus, O. Resolution No. 44 p. 66-7. Reconstruction. 1:82-3. Mr. '19. New York Labor Party demands public ownership and war referendum.

Survey. 41: Reconstruction series No. 2. N. 23, '18. Program twenty British Quaker employers.

Survey. 41:500-2. Ja. 11, '19. French labor on peace and reconstruction.

Survey. 41:857. Mr. 15, '19. The International charter of labor. (Adopted by the International Trade Union Conference and by the International Socialist Conference meeting at Berne, February 1919).

Reprinted in this Handbook. See page 368.

SELECTED ARTICLES ON MODERN

INDUSTRIAL MOVEMENTS

INTRODUCTION

The penalty for being a very busy industrial executive or manager is the difficulty in getting the facts needed in order to make decisions. This is especially true of that class of facts which we vaguely lump under the heading of the "Labor problem."

And this situation need cause no surprise. The field of industrial literature is so big, the voices so varied, and indeed discordant, that it has come to be somewhat of a specialty to deal with the ideas, ideals, and general pronouncements in the world of industrial relations.

But it is not the specialist, it is the everyday business and manufacturing administrator who is most concerned with getting the vital information on which to form a judgment or a plant policy. He must understand what is moving men, what is acting on their thoughts, their feelings, their attitudes. Unless he is intelligent in this respect, he had better confine himself to lifeless things. Existence will then be more satisfactory.

It is the great merit of this book that it has selected for busy men who carry large responsibilities, a rich assortment of material which in the aggregate gives a unique cross-section of the important industrial thinking of our time. Thoughts are facts. They are the sort of facts which have a way of crystalizing into action, and the action of large masses of men in their industrial relationship is what makes the labor problem.

In looking over the table of contents of this volume there surely can be no imputation of bias. No one can be trusted to deal with facts who proceeds to get them or assert them in a manner to support some personal prepossession. Getting facts is an art which needs more than ordinary conscientiousness. This quality is present throughout this volume. The author is

looked upon as an expert organizer of fundamental information on economic questions. Those industrial and business leaders and students who appreciate what trustworthy organization of industrial data means will find the present volume a valuable collection of papers dealing with live industrial questions of the day.

A careful reading of the various topics, presented by the best published opinion obtainable will serve as a priceless initiation into what multitudes of human beings are thinking about, what they are trying to bring about, and what is actually taking place in the supremely important field of economic relationship. MEYER BLOOMFIELD.

Boston, Mass.
October 1919.

WORKERS' CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT THE BRITISH CO-OPERATIVE MOVEMENT'

It was a Sunday afternoon in November, 1843. The place was Rochdale, England, a growing industrial town hard by capitalism's birthplace, the city of Manchester. The times were dark with misery for the nation's workers. They seemed that afternoon especially dark to Rochdale's flannel weavers, who had just emerged from an unsuccessful strike. Twentyeight of them were gathered together in the Chartists' Reading Room to discuss what could be done.

Some of the twenty-eight were Chartists who had been fighting with might and main for the political rights of the workers. Some were Owenite Socialists whose vision was a cooperative brotherhood. Some were just plain, unphilosophical weavers chained hand and foot by the credit system of the "truck" store and by the wage system-then at its worst.

Many were the remedial schemes proposed. One found favor. It was to start, as soon as capital permitted, a co-operative store of the workers, by the workers, for the workers, which immediately might free its members from dependence on exploiting merchants and from the enslavement of the credit system; which ultimately might lead to the abolition of the wage system, and "so arrange the powers of production, distribution, education and government as to create a self-supporting home colony."

Their dream seemed indeed Utopian. The dreamers were poor. They were unschooled. And who had ever heard of the working class controlling its own industrial affairs? But these dreamers not only had vision, they also had their share of good horse sense and bulldog resolution.

Two pence a week this little band resolved to put aside for the venture. The two pence gradually grew to $140, and with that a dilapidated old store in a back street known as Toad Lane, Rochdale, was hired. The Rochdale Pioneers, as they

1 By Harry W. Laidler. From an article in Pearson's Magazine, copyrighted and reprinted by special permission.

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