witnessed the great difficulties to which our Union has been exposed, and admired the virtue and courage with which they were surmounted. From the present prosperous and happy state I derive a gratification which I can not express. That these blessings may be preserved and perpetuated, will be the object of my fervent and unceasing prayers to the Supreme Ruler of the universe.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

JANUARY 13, 1818.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:

I HAVE the satisfaction to inform Congress, that the establishment at Amelia island has been suppressed, and without the effusion of blood. The papers which explain this transaction, I now lay before Congress.

By the suppression of this establishment, and that of Galvestown, which will soon follow, if it has not already ceased to exist, there is good cause to believe that the consummation of a project fraught with much injury to the United States has been prevented.

When we consider the persons engaged in it, being adventurers from different countries, with very few, if any, of the native inhabitants of the Spanish colonies, the territory on which the establishments were madeone on a portion of that claimed by the United States, westward of the Mississippi, the other on a part of East Florida, a province in negotiation between the United States and Spain-the claim of their leader, as announced by his proclamation on taking possession of Amelia island, comprising the whole of both the Floridas, without excepting that part of West Florida which is incorporated with the state of Louisiana; their conduct while in the possession of the island, making it instrumental to every species of contraband, and in regard to slaves, of the most odious and dangerous character; it may fairly be concluded, that, if the enterprise had succeeded on the scale on which it was formed, much annoyance and injury would have resulted from it to the United States.

Other circumstances were thought to be no less deserving of attention. The institution of a government by foreign adventurers in the island, distinct from the colonial governments of Buenos Ayres, Venezuela, or Mexico, pretending to sovereignty, and exercising its highest offices, particularly in granting commissions to privateers, were acts which could not fail to draw after them the most serious consequences. It was the duty of the executive, either to extend to this establishment all the advantages of that neutrality which the United States had proclaimed, and have observed in favor of the colonies of Spain, who, by the strength of their own population and resources, had declared their independence, and were affording strong proof of their ability to maintain it, or of making the discrimination which circumstances require.

Had the first course been pursued, we should not only have sanctioned all the unlawful claims and practices of this pretended government in regard to the United States, but countenanced a system of privateering in the gulf of Mexico, and elsewhere, the ill effects of which might, and probably would, have been deeply and very extensively felt.

The path of duty was plain from the commencement, but it was painful to enter upon it while the obligation could be resisted. The law of 1811, lately published, and which it is therefore proper now to mention, was considered applicable to the case, from the moment that the proclamation of the chief of the enterprise was seen, and its obligation was daily increased by other considerations of high importance already mentioned, which were deemed sufficiently strong in themselves to dictate the course which has been pursued.

Early intimations having been received of the dangerous purposes of these adventurers, timely precautions were taken by the establishment of a force near the St. Mary's, to prevent their effect, or it is probable that it would have been more sensibly felt.

To such establishments, made so near to our settlements, in the expectation of deriving aid from them, it is particularly gratifying to find, that very little encouragement was given. The example so conspicuously displayed by our fellow-citizens, that their sympathies can not be perverted to improper purposes, but that a love of country, the influence of moral principles, and a respect for the laws, are predominant with them, is a sure pledge, that all the very flattering anticipations which have been formed of the success of our institutions will be realized. This example has proved, that if our relations with foreign powers are to be changed, it must be done by the constituted authorities, who alone, acting on a high responsibility, are competent to the purpose; and until such change is thus made, that our fellow-citizens will respect the existing relations by a faithful adherence to the laws which secure them.

Believing that this enterprise, though undertaken by persons some of whom may have held commissions from some of the colonies, was unauthorized by, and unknown to, the colonial governments, full confidence is entertained, that it will be disclaimed by them, and that effectual measures will be taken to prevent the abuse of their authority in all cases to the injury of the United States.

For these injuries, especially those proceeding from Amelia island, Spain would be responsible, if it was not manifest that, although committed in the latter instance through her territory, she was utterly unable to prevent them. Her territory, however, ought not to be made instrumental, through her inability to defend it, to purposes so injurious to the United States. To a country over which she fails to maintain her authority, and which she permits to be converted to the annoyance of her neighbors, her jurisdiction for the time necessarily ceases to exist. The territory of Spain will nevertheless be respected, so far as it may be done consistently with the essential interests and safety of the United States. In expelling these adventurers from these posts, it was not intended to make any conquest from Spain, or to injure in any degree the cause of the colonies. Care will be taken, that no part of the territory contemplated by the law of 1811 shall be occupied by a foreign government of any kind, or that injuries, of the nature of those complained of, shall be repeated; but this, it is expected, will be provided for, with every other interest, in a spirit of amity, in the negotiation now depending with the government of Spain.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

DECEMBER 17, 1819.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:SOME doubt being entertained respecting the true intent and meaning of the act of the last session, entitled, "An act in addition to the acts prohibiting the slave-trade," as to the duties of the agents to be appointed on the coast of Africa, I think it proper to state the interpretation which has been given of the act, and the measures adopted to carry it into effect, that Congress may, should it be deemed advisable, amend the same, before further proceedings are had under it.

The obligation to instruct the commanders of all our armed vessels to seize and bring into port all ships or vessels of the United States, wheresoever found, having on board any negro, mulatto, or person of color, in violation of former acts for the suppression of the slave-trade, being imperative, was executed without delay. No seizures have yet been made; but, as they were contemplated by the law, and might be presumed, it seemed proper to make the necessary regulations applicable to such seizures for carrying the several provisions of the act into effect.

It is enjoined on the executive to cause all negroes, mulattoes, or persons of color, who may be taken under the act, to be removed to Africa. It is the obvious import of the law, that none of the persons thus taken should remain within the United States; and no place other than the coast of Africa being designated, their removal or delivery, whether carried from the United States, or landed immediately from the vessels in which they were taken, was supposed to be confined to the coast. No settlement or station being specified, the whole coast was thought to be left open for the selection of a proper place, at which the persons thus taken should be delivered. The executive is authorized to appoint one or more agents, residing there, to receive such persons; and one hundred thousand dollars are appropriated for the general purposes of the law.

On due consideration of the several sections of the act, and of its humane policy, it was supposed to be the intention of Congress, that all the persons above described, who might be taken under it, and landed in Africa, should be aided in their return to their former homes, or in their establishment at or near the place where landed. Some shelter and food would be necessary for them there, as soon as landed, let their subsequent disposition be what it might. Should they be landed without such provision having been previously made, they might perish.

It was supposed, by the authority given to the executive to appoint agents residing on the coast, that they should provide such shelter and food, and perform the other beneficent and charitable offices contemplated by the act. The coast of Africa having been little explored, and no persons residing there, who possessed the requisite qualifications to entitle them to the trust, being known to the executive, to none such could it be committed. It was believed that citizens only, who would go hence, well instructed in the views of the government, and zealous to give them effect, would be competent to these duties, and that it was not the intention of the law to preclude their appointment. It was obvious, that the longer these persons should be detained in the United States in the hands of the marshals, the greater would be the expense, and that for the same term

would the main purpose of the law be suspended. It seemed, therefore, to be incumbent on me to make the necessary arrangements for carrying this act into effect in Africa, in time to meet the delivery of any persons who might be taken by the public vessels and landed there under it.

On this view of the policy and sanctions of the law, it has been decided to send a public ship to the coast of Africa with two such agents, who will take with them tools and other implements, necessary for the purpo ses above mentioned. To each of these agents a small salary has been allowed-fifteen hundred dollars to the principal, and twelve hundred to the other.

All our public agents on the coast of Africa receive salaries for their services, and it was understood that none of our citizens, possessing the requisite qualifications, would accept these trusts, by which they would be confined to parts the least frequented and civilized, without a reasonable compensation. Such allowance, therefore, seemed to be indispensable to the execution of the act. It is intended, also, to subject a portion of the sum appropriated to the order of the principal agent, for the special objects above stated, amounting in the whole, including the salaries of the agent for one year, to rather less than one third of the appropriation. Special instructions will be given to these agents, defining, in precise terms, their duties, in regard to the persons thus delivered to them, the disbursement of the money by the principal agent, and his accountability for the same. They will also have power to select the most suitable place, on the coast of Africa, at which all persons who may be taken under this act shall be delivered to them, with an express injunction to exercise no power founded on the principle of colonization, or other power than that of performing the benevolent offices above recited, by the permission and sanction of the existing government under which they may establish themselves. Orders will be given to the commander of the public ship in which they will sail, to cruise along the coast, to give the more complete effect to the principal object of the act.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

FEBRUARY 25, 1822.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:— UNDER the appropriation made by the act of Congress of the 11th of April, 1820, for holding treaties with the Creek and Cherokee nations of Indians, for the extinguishment of the Indian title to lands within the state of Georgia, pursuant to the fourth condition of the first article of the articles of agreement and cession, concluded between the United States and the state of Georgia, on the 24th day of April, 1802, a treaty was held with the Creek nation, the expense of which, upon the settlement of the accounts of the commissioners who were appointed to conduct the negotiation, was ascertained to amount to the sum of twenty-four thousand six hundred and ninety-five dollars, leaving an unexpended balance of the sum appropriated of five thousand three hundred and five dollars; a sum toc small to negotiate a treaty with the Cherokees, as was contemplated by the act making the appropriation.

The legislature of Georgia being still desirous that a treaty should be held for further extinguishment of the Indian title to lands within that

state, and to obtain an indemnity to the citizens of that state for property of considerable value, which has been taken from them by the Cherokee Indians, I submit the subject to the consideration of Congress, that a further sum, which, in addition to the balance of the former appropriation, will be adequate to the expenses attending a treaty with them, may be appropriated, should Congress deem it expedient.

SPECIAL MESSAGE.

MARCH 8, 1822.

To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States:IN transmitting to the house of representatives the documents called for by the resolution of that house of the 30th of January, I consider it my duty to invite the attention of Congress to a very important subject, and to communicate the sentiments of the executive on it, that, should Congress entertain similar sentiments, there may be such co-operation between the two departments of the government as their respective rights and duties may require.

The revolutionary movement in the Spanish provinces in this hemisphere, attracted the attention and excited the sympathy of our fellow-citizens from its commencement. This feeling was natural and honorable to them, from causes which need not be communicated to you. It has been gratifying to all to see the general acquiescence which has been manifested in the policy which the constituted authorities have deemed it proper to pursue in regard to this contest. As soon as the movement assumed such a steady and consistent form as to make the success of the provinces probable, the rights to which they were entitled by the law of nations, as equal parties to a civil war, were extended to them. Each party was permitted to enter our ports with its public and private ships, and to take from them every article which was the subject of commerce with other nations. Our citizens, also, have carried on commerce with both parties, and the government has protected it, with each, in articles not contraband of war. Through the whole of this contest the United States have remained neutral, and have fulfilled with the utmost impartiality all the obligations in

cident to that character.

This contest has now reached such a stage, and been attended with such decisive success on the part of the provinces, that it merits the most profound consideration whether their right to the rank of independent nations, with all the advantages incident to it, in their intercourse with the United States, is not complete. Buenos Ayres assumed that rank by a formal declaration in 1816, and has enjoyed it since 1810, free from invasion by the parent-country. The provinces composing the republic of Colombia, after having separately declared their independence, were united by a fundamental law of the 17th of December, 1819. A strong Spanish force occupied at that time certain parts of the territory within their limits, and waged a destructive war. That force has since been repeatedly defeated, and the whole of it either made prisoners or destroyed, or expelled from the country, with the exception of an inconsiderable portion only, which is blockaded by two fortresses. The provinces on the Pacific have likewise been very successful. Chili declared independence in 1818, and has