loyal obedience because he is an unbeliever, or force him either to abdicate or to become a Catholic. The Church always respects, and teaches her children and enjoins upon all tutors, rulers, and governors, under whatever name or degree, to respect, all the natural rights of the nation and the individual, and that no prospect of utility or of good to be gained in this world or the next can justify the violation of any one of them, for we may never do wrong that good may come.

Hence it is that Catholics always move slowly in reforming abuses which, through the frailty and perversity of human nature, accumulate with time; and the Church takes care, in removing either moral or social evils, to violate no natural or vested right; and impatient spirits, zealous for meliorations and progress, are not unfrequently tempted to murmur at what appears to be her dilatoriness and excessive forbearance. She detests slavery, but she has respect to the rights of the master as well as of the slave; and as long as he does not abuse his rights, she will not suffer him to be compelled to emancipate his slave without a full indemnification. She hates intemperance, and enjoins temperance as a cardinal virtue; but she cannot, in order to suppress intemperance, trample on the natural right of her children to use the good things of God as not abusing them. She respects the natural liberty of every man, woman, and child. In this she follows the example of her Lord. Almighty God could with a word put an end to all sin, and to its consequent evils, but he does not do it, because he respects that freedom, that liberty, with which he has created man, choosing rather to die on the cross than to offer it violence. The Church justifies the employment of force to repel force or to suppress violence; and in this sense she has authorized her children to defend themselves, their freedom, religion, altars, and firesides, against the attacks of heretics, schismatics, and infidels; but she has never authorized the employment of force against any class of persons guilty of no violence to the rights of their neighbor. The employment of physical force for the promotion of religion and virtue, the resort of our Maine Liquor Law and No-Popery men,she strictly and uncompromisingly forbids, and tells those who would thus employ it, "Ye know not what manner of spirit ye are of." She relies on doctrinal instruction, on moral suasion, the

supernatural grace of her sacraments and her own spiritual discipline, to suppress sin and advance men in the way of perfection. It is clear, therefore, that the Church can neither tyrannize herself, nor suffer her children to tyrannize; and that the natural tendency, so to speak, of the Catholic religion, is to liberty, equality, and brotherhood; and nothing is more historically certain, than that the tendency in the modern world to despotism, to absolutism, or Cæsarism, whether of the one, the few, or the many, has been in exact proportion to the decline of the influence of the Church, and the rejection of her faith and discipline.

The whole theory and practice of Calvinism, what we call Evangelicalism, are in singular contrast with those of the Church. The Calvinist-and the Calvinistic is the pervading spirit of most Protestants, if we except those amiable gentlemen and ladies called Puseyites, who protest against Protestantism without however abandoning it— holds that only the saints, only persons in grace, have rights, and in face of them all the rest of the world are outlaws, without any right whatever. Thus a Mormon elder, a true Evangelical, said to us one day: "The Lord has given the earth and all it contains to his saints. We, the Mormons, are the saints, and have a divine right to govern, to kill or slay, as we see proper, all who are not joined to us, and to enter into their possessions. We have the right from God himself to take the wives or the property of sinners wherever. we find them, and whenever we please; but we are too weak at present to render it prudent to avail ourselves of this right." This is the true Calvinist doctrine, or the strictly logical conclusion from the denial of the natural law, and the assertion that all rights are of grace, - a doctrine that has an invincible tendency to Antinomianism, if indeed it can be logically distinguished from it. To those who have no rights, it is impossible to do any wrong; consequently the saints are under no obligation to respect anything in sinners, that is, Catholics and unevangelicals, and may rightfully persecute, fine, imprison, exile, hang, or burn them as they please. Reading the Old Testament and misapplying the commands of God to the Jews to exterminate the Canaanites, they very naturally come to the conclusion, that it is not only their right, but their duty, to exterminate Cath

olics - who are to them the Canaanites - with fire and sword, or at least to reduce them, as the children of Israel did the Gibeonites, to be "hewers of wood and drawers of water," the condition to which England for three hundred years has tried to reduce the Catholics of Ireland. All sincere and earnest Evangelicals believe it a national sin to tolerate the Canaanites in the land; and to have friendly relations with them, even in secular matters, is a concerting with the enemy, and a high-handed rebellion against God. They groan in spirit whenever they see a Catholic Church rise in their midst, and can hardly restrain themselves from pulling it down. Hence to persecute is not only lawful, but a duty, for Evangelicals.

Then, again, they find themselves impotent to meet what they regard as the evils of the day by any other means than force, for all civil action in the last analysis is force. We have assailed Protestantism with argument, and Evangelicalism has replied to us by calling on the state to deprive us of our civil status, to exterminate us, to drive us into exile, or to reduce us to slavery. Through a political necessity, the English Parliament, strongly against its will, passed the Catholic Relief Bill of 1829, which gave to the Catholics of the United Kingdom a partial freedom. Since then, Catholicity, which demands nothing but freedom, has reared its head, and attracted the choicest spirits of the land within its fold. Evangelicalism is alarmed. Men are everywhere praying for the conversion of England, and the Pope will, erelong, place her once more as a bright jewel in his triple crown. This must not be suffered. Exeter Hall cannot tolerate it. Englishmen must have an English, not a foreign religion, and worship an English God, a nice little national God, not the God who has created heaven and earth, and who drew their fathers from their savage state and heathen abominations. But to prevent it by argument, by fair and candid appeals to Scripture, reason, and history, is out of the question. Doctrinal instruction, moral suasion, the sacraments, are instruments which Evangelicals cannot use, and which can be and are used with fearful effect against them. They resort, therefore, to the civil arm. They demand and obtain legislation, acts of Parliament, against Catholics, and the most assiduous efforts are now making to prepare the way for the repeal of the Catholic Relief Bill,

and to re-enact the old penal laws. No one who has attended to the debates in Parliament on the anti-Catholic motions introduced by Messrs. Chambers and Spooner can doubt it. In strict concert with Exeter Hall are acting the Evangelical portion of our Know-Nothing party. This is no accident. It lies in the very nature and necessities of Evangelicalism. We are, say the Evangelicals, the saints, and to us God has given the government of the world. We alone, of all the children of men, have rights, and hence with those not joined to us we may do as we please. Evangelicalism has then in its own view the right to suppress by violence, without regard to individual or personal rights, whatever it chooses to regard as sin or evil. Having no moral means, it is obliged to resort to civil force, or fail of its end. All its philanthropy, all its better affections, perverted by its principles, urge it to act the tyrant and the persecutor. And to do so is not an exception, is not an inconsequence, an aberration from its principles, but to act in strict and logical conformity with them. It is a necessity of its nature. There is not a single reform, of whatever name or nature, that it is able to effect without a resort to force, because it has no moral means that are adequate. Hence it is that under its influence everything wise and good turns to evil. All that is sweet in human nature it sours, or ferments into an intoxicating draught. It cannot meliorate the political and social condition of mankind without violence, trampling on natural and vested rights, and asserting the principles of the most odious tyranny. It cannot seek the emancipation of the slave without despotism to the master. It cannot labor to suppress intemperance, that crying evil, without its prohibitory legislation, which sacrifices individual freedom, and violates the rights of property, sacred in every civilized state. It has only one method of proceeding. This is to begin by agitating the public mind for the reform it wishes, and then through its agitation and affiliated associations to get possession of the legislature, and make a law enforcing it. It must do so, because it has not the sacraments or spiritual means by which it may reach the heart and remove evil by purifying its source. The whole history of the philanthropic and reform movements of the day proves it, and therefore that Evangelicalism is deadly hostile in its own nature to both civil and religious liberty. The great truth that this

age needs to learn is, that civil and religious liberty must stand or fall together, and that neither has any support, save in the doctrine, the discipline, and the sacraments of the Catholic Church, for save by their means there is and can be no harmonizing of nature and grace, liberty and authority. Out of Catholicity either nature is denied, as with Evangelicals, or grace is denied, as with the Rationalists; and to deny either is to render our civil liberty practically impossible.

The Evangelical, otherwise called the Puritan party, played a conspicuous part in what is called the Reformation. Imported into England originally by the Lollards, and subsequently from Geneva, that Rome of Protestantism, it attained to power under Cromwell, received a check in the Restoration, was successfully appealed to in the Revolution of 1688, and sunk into insignificance till revived and reinvigorated by Wesley and Whitefield. In this country it was predominant in nearly all the Colonies. in their early settlement, but had been shorn in great measure of its power prior to the assertion of our independence of the crown of Great Britain. It made a rally under the elder Adams, but was defeated by the election of Mr. Jefferson in 1800, and fell into a minority. It has never had the control of the General government, and rarely has it ever been in power in any of the State governments. But ever since the rise of Methodism, under John Wesley, in the last century, it has been with us and in Great Britain steadily on the increase. It has worked in secret as well as openly, and with a perseverance worthy of the cause it professes to be, but is not. It has availed itself, with consummate address, of every popular incident or movement that seemed capable of being made to operate to its advantage. It has obtained the control of nearly all the great philanthropic movements of the day, directs your abolition and temperance societies, and enlists in its service the great mass of British and American infidelity. It has its affiliated societies for every kind of object subsidiary to its main purpose, spread as a vast network over the whole land, and has succeeded in making itself of importance to politicians. In a word, it has practised and still practises all the arts which it falsely and calumniously lays to the charge of the Jesuits and the Catholic hierarchy. It has once more, in the vicissi