favourite's scoffing tongue, he joins them; and again, vexed at the haughty conduct of Mortimer and his want of respect for the person of the King, he repents of what he has done. Presently he falls between the two parties, the moderate, undecided man, honest, unpractical, of no power.

§ 10. Marlowe is said by Professor Ward and Dr. Wagner to have derived his history for the main part from Fabyan's Chronicle or Concordance of Histories1. This was a Chronicle History from the beginning of the world to the reign of King Henry VIII. It was written by a learned man, Robert Fabyan, a citizen and draper of London, and an alderman ('Robertus Fabyan, dudum civis et pannarius London, ac vicecomes (i.e. sheriff) et aldermannus,' as he calls himself in his will), who died A.D. 1511 or 1512. Editions of the book were published in 1516, 1533, 1542, 1559, and it was for a long time popular and much read.

There are some instances of close likeness between the Chronicle and passages in the play. But with one exception the likeness is not special, or in details. Marlowe follows the history of Edward II carefully in many minute particulars, and this is precisely what Fabyan did not. It is of importance, no doubt, that at ii. 2. 189, a short ballad is inserted which is, almost word for word, to be read in Fabyan, p. 420. But all else that is in Fabyan may be found elsewhere.

§ 11. There are in the play many small points of detail, for the most part accurately historical, which Fabyan does not mention. They are almost, if not quite, without excep

1 Cf. The Chronicle on which Marlowe based his play is Robert Fabyan's Chronicle.' Ward, History of Dramatic Literature, i. 194. "From the "jig" quoted in Marlowe's play (ii. 2. 186) it appears that his historical authority for the events dramatised by him was most likely the "gossiping" history of England by Robert Fabyan.' Wagner, Edward II. p. xv. It is most probable that Dr. Wagner had not read Fabyan.

tion to be found in Holinshed's Chronicle. This great
Chronicle, or History, is a continuous narrative of English
history based on previous authors, including Fabyan, and
giving events in much detail. It was published in 1577, and
a second edition was issued in 1586-7. The book soon
became popular. It has been proved that Shakespeare
based his historical plays on this history, and it is not
difficult to show that the same thing is true of Marlowe.
The following instances go far to prove the case in detail.
In i. 1. 153-5, when the King is showering titles on Gaveston,
he says:-

'I here create thee Lord High Chamberlain,
Chief Secretary to the State and me,

Earl of Cornwall, King and Lord of Man.'

HISTORY

While Fabyan, p. 417, merely notices that he gave him 'the Erledom of Cornewayll and the lordshyp of Wallyngforde,' Holinshed, p. 318, has, For having revoked again into England his old mate the said Peers de Gaveston he received him into most high favour, creating him Earle of Cornewall, and lord of Man, his principall secretarie and lord chamberlaine of the realme.'

In i. I. 190 we have a 'Bishop of Coventry.' This bishop in Fabyan, p. 418, is Bishop of Chester'; but in Holinshed, p. 318, 'bishop of Coventrie and Lichfield,' while the marginal note is 'The bishop of Coventrie committed to prison.'

The oath of which Mortimer speaks, i. i. 83 (cf. note), is due to Holinshed, p. 320; the notice of the Council meeting at the New Temple, i. 2. 75, to Holinshed, p. 319; the mention of Beaumont, i. 4. 372, to Holinshed, p. 323; the meeting of the King and his favourite at Tynmouth, ii. 2. 50, to Holinshed, p. 321; the notice of Lord Bruse's land, iii. 2. 55, to Holinshed, p. 325; the mention of Rice ap Howell, iv. 5. 55, to Holinshed, p. 339, as well as the sending the Earl of Leicester to find the King in Wales, and the election of the Prince to be Lord Warden of the realm ;-and

these things are not mentioned by Fabyan. It is also noticeable that Marlowe follows Holinshed in speaking of 'Killingworth,' not Fabyan's spelling of Kenelworthe,' and speaks of Henry as Earl of 'Leicester' with Holinshed, and not by his other title as Earl of 'Lancaster' with Fabyan. Still more important is it that the Chronicle of Fabyan passes over the whole of the circumstances of the death of the King almost without notice. Almost all these events are in Holinshed, as well as the account of the interview of the Bishop of Winchester and the Earl of Leicester with the King, v. I; and on p. 340, even the argument that if the King will not resign' the Prince shall lose his right,' v. I. 92. There is found also, p. 341, the famous enigmatical line of Latin, v. 4. 8, and, pp. 340, 341, an account of the Queen's deceitful conduct, showing that even in his conception of the character of the Queen the poet closely follows his authority.

§ 12. It need not however be surprising if the poet has drawn his history from several sources. For the study of English history was most popular at the time, and books were obtained without serious difficulty. Indeed it is almost certain that Marlowe used the Chronicle of John Stow as his authority for the story of the King being shaved with ditch-water, v. 3. 27, which is not in Holinshed or Fabyan (and cf. note on i. 4. 380). Stow's General Chronicle had been published in a convenient volume in 1580, and was soon popular. But it is short compared with Holinshed's work, and does not contain many of those details which Marlowe has carefully inserted in his play; in fact it was not graphic enough for the poet's purpose. Thus there is no mention of the New Temple, i. 2. 75; or of Gaveston being Lord High Chamberlain and Chief Secretary, i. i. 154; of the attack on the Bishop being on account of Gaveston's exile, i. 1. 178; of Tynemouth, ii. 2. 50, 220; of Pembroke's proposal to visit his wife, ii. 6. 107; of the young Edward being made Lord Warden of the realm, iv. 5. 35; of Rice ap Howell, iv. 6. 46; of Sir William Trussel, v. i. 84. When Stow describes the

quarrel of the 'Gower' lands, he speaks of Sir' William Bruis, and does not mention the King, while Marlowe follows Holinshed in speaking of 'Lord' Bruse, of the King aiding Spenser, and even uses Holinshed's phrase 'to be in hand.' In v. 5. 32 Marlowe speaks of a 'spit' with Holinshed, instead of the 'plummer's iron' of Stow. But while the poet rests for these details on Holinshed especially, there is no need to think of him as a man of one book. For the Elizabethan poets knew the early history of England as it was current, legends and all, and loved to dwell on it. We see this not only in the plays of Shakespeare, but still more strongly in Spenser's Faery Queene, ii. 10, and later in Drayton's Polyolbion, and in his Mortimeriados. And the large number of authorities whom Fabyan, and still more Stow and Holinshed, quote shows the same thing even more plainly.

§ 13. Lastly, it may be noted that Marlowe is prone to use his knowledge of other portions of history in order to present his characters in a familiar form to his audience. Shakespeare used modern and well-known history to the same purpose, when, in King Lear, he produced a Duke of Burgundy, who reminded his audience of the famous duke who had married Margaret, sister of Edward IV. So Marlowe's Earl of Kent reminds us of the Duke of Clarence; his Archbishop of Canterbury is made a legate, whose haughty words remind us of the more famous Archbishop Wolsey; and his Protector Mortimer has gained touches of character from the better known Protector Richard Duke of Gloucester, whose tragic story so impressed itself on the minds of Englishmen.

The text of this edition is that of Dyce (ed. 1858), save in such places as are mentioned in the Notes. The references to Fabyan are to the edition of Sir Henry Ellis, 1811; to Stow are to the edition of 1580; to Holinshed are to the edition of 1586-7.

b

ANALYSIS.

Act i.-Scene I opens with Gaveston in London, just come 'out of France,' recalled by a letter from the new King, which he now reads again. Three poor men wish to enter his service; he rejects them haughtily, but remembering that 'it is no pain to speak men fair,' makes promises which he does not mean to keep. A soliloquy further illustrates the character of the favourite. The King and Barons enter, and their conversation is prophetic of future quarrels. When the Barons retire Gaveston comes forward to the King, and on the entry of the Bishop of Coventry the King and his favourite insult and maltreat him. Scene 2 introduces the barons, in London, enraged at the King and Gaveston; they are joined by the Archbishop of Canterbury angry at the treatment of the Bishop of Coventry, and by Queen Isabella, sad that 'the king regards' her not, 'but dotes upon the love of Gaveston.' They agree that a council shall banish him. After a short Scene 3, in which Gaveston speaks scoffingly of Lancaster, in Scene 4 the Barons and the Archbishop in council at the New Temple are signing an order of exile, when the King and Gaveston enter. The King, forced to yield, bids the exile an affectionate farewell, and appoints him 'governor of Ireland.' In his wrath he accuses the Queen of fondness for Mortimer, and refuses to see her till 'Gaveston be repealed:' 'The miserable and distressed queen,' by the help of the younger Mortimer, obtains 'the repeal' of Gaveston, and Scene and Act end in a general reconciliation, but with haughty last words from Mortimer foreshadowing the coming storm :—

But while I have a sword, a hand, a heart,
I will not yield to any such upstart.'

Act ii.-In Scene 1 the younger Spenser and Baldock, 'servants' of the late Earl of Glocester, determine to attach themselves to Gaveston, 'who hath the favour of the king'; 'their lady,' King Edward's niece, goes to meet her lover Gaveston. In Scene 2 the King, Queen, and Barons at Tynmouth, await Gaveston. On his entrance he is scornfully addressed, and in turn scoffs at the 'base, leaden earls.'