hot candid, and many are ill informed. Prejudice will not listen: Fanaticism cannot be convinced. We are compelled, Sir, again and again, to repeat the same facts, and to urge old arguments which have never been satisfactorily answered, and indeed cannot be refuted.

Permit me, Sir, to recur to the period when the cold approbation with which, al most from the days of my boyhood, I had viewed the establishment and the early operations of this Society, was changed into that cordial zeal in its behalf, which has ever since animated my bosom. A visit paid to the town in which I dwelt, by my valued friend, the Secretary of the Society, (whose influence in our cause has been as salutary and as extensive, as his labours have been abundant and self-denying) led me to see the plans and objects of the Society in lights far more vivid than those in which I had been accustomed to behold them. I looked at the condi tion of the free colored people of our country, then very numerous, now exceeding three hundred thousand, more than one-seventh of them, as I knew, inhabitants of my own native State. I saw their degraded situation; degraded politically, morally and intellectually; depressed even beyond the reach of hope. I knew that, if by any rare combination of circumstances, one of this race should attain to a higher intellectual and moral elevation than his fellows, this would but make him the more sensible of his degradation, and his increasing sensibility would but open new avenues to pain. I knew that their condition depended not on law merely, but on that which is above all law-that which originates law-that which can render any law null and void. It is a deep-rooted feeling of the human heart, universally felt by the European race wherever dispersed a feeling which even the advocate of Amalgamation would find it as hard to extirpate in his own case, as we should.The Colonization Society offered to transport the free man of color, with his own consent, to the land of his fathers, where he would not be forced to contend with those feelings, those prejudices, if you choose, which here surround and depress him; where he would not strive in vain competition, with a race in all respects his superiors; where he would grow and expand; where the vigor of his limbs would be redoubled by the feeling of conscious equality with all around him, and Freedom would impart her inspiring energies to his unshackled mind. I felt too, that the operations of this Society would afford relief to the burdened heart of many a hereditary slaveholder. There has always been a strong disposition to emancí pate, where it was believed that act would promote the real happiness of the slave, without doing injury to the community. This fact can be established by reference to the census. Whence comes it, that in Virginia and Maryland alone, these slandered slave-holding States, there are at this moment one hundred thousand free peo ple of color? Were not these people, or their fathers, once all slaves? Whence, then, came they free, except through the spontaneous influence of the feeling to which I have referred? But experience had proved, that to emancipate them here, was to injure, and not to improve their condition, whilst its effects on society were more disastrous. Hence our laws had forbidden emancipation, except on condition of removal. Here the Colonization Society interposed its benign influence. It offered to the slaveholder the opportunity of indulging his feelings of benevolence to his slave, without injury to his country, or violation of her laws. In this way only, the Society touched the subject of slavery. It received the slave when his master had set him free, and provided for him in Africa, "a happy home." Yes, Sir, a home for him who, in this land, must always be an alien-must pass from his cradle to his grave, a stranger and a pilgrim! Yes, Sir, a happy home! I know that our enemies triumphantly refer to the early misfortunes of the Colony, to show that this home is any thing but happy. They tell of Sherbro-of the wars with the natives-of the scarcities which have been sometimes experienced-the much-exaggerated mortality of the early settlers. To all this, they will now add, the massacre at Port Cresson. But what are all these things to the difficulties which assailed our fathers, the first settlers of our own happy land? The failure to establish a Colony at Sherbro, was far less signal than that of the gallant Raleigh on Roanoke Island. The mortality of the Colonists in/Liberia, has been far less than that of the first settlers on James river. And what is any scarcity they have ever experienced, compared to that appalling period, which the early annalists of Virginia have emphatically called "the starving time," when six months' famine reduced the population of that Colony from five hundred to sixty persons? What is the massacre perpetrated by King Joe Harris (who seems as unroyal in prowess and resources as he is in name), what is it, when compared with the massacre of

the Virginia Planters by the brave and politic Opechancanough! I might refer to other parts of our country. I might ask whether New England, glittering as she now is with the splendour of her cities, studded with smiling villages, rich in her cultivated farins, but richer in the strong arms and clear heads and sound hearts of so many of her sons, decked with the crown of every science, and enriched by the tribute of every art-was New England an earthly paradise when the rock of Plymouth was immortalized by the first footsteps of the pilgrim fathers? Was Philip, every inch a King," an adversary no more formidable than African Joe? And in the young Virginia of the West, to which you, Sir, in early youth, transferred your budding fortunes, many an old settler, leaning on his rifle, has doubtless often recited to you tales of horror and of blood, to which the annals of Liberia can afford no parallel. Look now, Sir, on our Atlantic and our Western States, and say whether there is any thing in the history of Liberia to forbid the hope that within her bosom may be found a happy home for her returning children.

It is true, Sir, that the situation of Liberia has been too advantageous as a commercial mart. This, in times past, has led to the neglect of agriculture, the only sure foundation of national prosperity. But we are told, that experience and the warning voice of this guardian Society, have taught the Colonists their error. We learn that they are giving more attention to this noble art, the exuberant fountain of the wealth of nations. To this, their capital and their labour, are now increas. ingly directed, and to this the Report has just told us our Managers are giving all the aid and encouragement which circumstances allow. Common schools are multiplying and improving, and in good time, seminaries of a higher order will be established. When, in addition to all this, we look at the efforts made by almost every denomination of Christians, to dispense to the Colonists the word and ordinances of God, are we not warranted to say, that the Society has provided for the colored man, a happy home-such a home as in this land he can never enjoy?

But the second branch of the Resolution, which looks to the effect of our efforts on the native tribes, ought to be of not less importance than that which we have been considering; not only in the estimation of the pious Christian, but of the Philanthropist of every creed. The Bible can civilize the savage, and can raise him to the enjoyment of social and domestic happiness. All experience has shown, that nothing but the Bible can do this; at least, centuries would be required for the successful operation of other agents, even if the effort were made to bring others into action. Must not, then, the candid Philanthropist, whatever be his personal' faith, if he wishes to see his fellow-men civilized-elevated in intellect-purified in morals-led to look for happiness in higher and purer enjoyments, than brutal sensuality can afford, must he not desire to witness the triumphs of the cross over heathen idolatry? But the Christian is impelled to action, not by those only, but by other and even stronger motives. He looks to the whole course of the existence of his fellow-men. His sympathies follow them to the judgment and to eternity! And as his own hopes of salvation rest exclusively on the promise, "He that believeth shall be saved," he desires to see all men partakers of this precious faith. But, besides this, he is the subject of a " King eternal, immortal and invisible:"His highest allegiance is above. And he knows that his Sovereign has commanded him to "6. 'go into all the world and teach his truth to all nations." He feels and he acknowledges, that the conversion of the world to God, is a work in which he must bear his part. In this aspect, then, our enterprise is inexpressibly interesting. When this Society was first formed, what a spectacle did Africa present!' Bleeding from a thousand wounds, inflicted by the cruelty of Europe and the parricidal hands of her own sons; bowed down beneath the superstition of the Arabian impostor or the still grosser and more debasing errors of heathen superstition without comfort in this world, without hope for the world which is to come! Well might the compassionate inquire, is there no balm in Gilead is there no physician there? In the Providence of God, this Society was called into being. Like an angel from heaven, a divinely appointed messenger of mercy, it carried to wounded Africa the balm of the gospel! It brought light from heaven, to dispel her darkness; to raise her from her degradation and her sensuality. It told her of the pure joys of the blessed! To give peace to her conscience and purity to her heart, it pointed to Calvary! To banish her despair, it offered her a hope full of immortality! Surely, Sir, if on this earth, there be a spectacle on which those bright and holy beings, who stand in the presence of the Most High, and rejoice over repentant sinners, can delight to look, it is THIS. Surely, if the view of any earthly ob

ing labour; to have found from Afric's shores, a too speedy passage to the heaven which they loved! Though for us and for the world, too speedy, yet for them

selves "far better."

way

One fact escaped me at the proper moment. Permit me briefly to recite it, though it would have been more appropriate at an earlier period. On my way hither, in the capital of our native State, I saw one of the most eminent Lawyers in central Virginia, on his way to our coast. In discharge of his duty as Executor, he was conducting nearly fifty persons, recently slaves, who were on their to Norfolk, to embark for Liberia. On this condition alone, they had been emancipated by their late master, himself an eminent Lawyer, an experienced Legisla tor, and one of the most eloquent of Virginia's Orators. Now, Sir, let me ask of those who hate and who revile us, what has been achieved by all their efforts, compared with this single fruit of the Colonization Society?

Permit me, Sir, in conclusion, to return to the topic, from which, for a moment, I digressed. Experience has shown, that the character of the climate forbids the hope, that the white man can spread the gospel through Africa. Are there any means by which this can be effected, except the planting of Christian black men along the coast? And if this may not be done, what hope remains for Africa? Is it true, then, that Africa is never to be converted? Were her sons excepted when God gave to Christ the heathen for his inheritance? Is she not a part of that world which belongs to our blessed Saviour as his possession? When every knee shall bow before Him, shall her sons stand back, proudly erect-unhumbled, rebellious? Shall they alone be silent, when every tongue shall confess to God? Oh no! Their voices will not be mute! They, too, will unite with saints and angels in that noble anthem, whose glad sounds will fill the courts of heaven, and be echoed back from our regenerated earth! Hallelujah! The kingdoms of the world have become the kingdoms of our God and of His Christ!!

Mr. ATKINSON's Resolution was unanimously adopted.

The Rev. Dr. PROUDFIT of N. York, addressed the Chair to the following effect:

Mr. PRESIDENT,-Among all the Institutions which are the ornaments of our country, age and world, the Colonization Society sustains an honorable rank. Some of the institutions make their appeal to the Patriot, some to the Philanthrojust, and others to the Christian; but this to all generous bosoms, patriotic, philan thropic and Christian. The scheme of the Society is no longer problematical. Its effects are already glorious. With what delight does the eye dwell upon the set. tlements founded by this Society upon the African coast: Monrovia, Caldwell, Millsburg, Edina, and that of the Maryland Society at Cape Palmas. The wilderness begins to bud and blossom like the rose.

I was assured by Dr. Skinner, (the present Colonial Agent) and who had resided for several months in the Colony, that a more pure population, amounting to about 3500, he never saw; that there were 550 professors of religion, than whom he had seen none more circumspect and exemplary; that 504 had become members of Temperance Societies on the principle of total abstinence. A young gentleman just returned from Liberia, declares that he has seen more intemperance in a single day in the U. States, than he saw during three months in the Colony. This testimony I had from him the last week.

The Resolution I have the honor to present, relates to one of our fundamental elements of usefulness, the influence of education. If we expect the civilization of Africa, learning must be diffused. If we would Christianize Africa, her children must be taught the elementary branches of knowledge. Religious tracts and the sacred Scriptures must be put into the hands of the natives. They will listen to the great and perfect messengers of the cross sent to the benighted. From all these considerations, let us go forward in our noble enterprise. I believe the an gels look down and see with joy the influence of our scheme upon the Colonists and upon the natives. I have no doubt they this moment hover over these seats to witness our deliberations on this occasion.

I rejoice to learn, Sir, that the benevolent ladies of Richmond, New York, Philadelphia, and other places, have done much for the support of schools in Liberia, and that it is proposed that there should be some union of these and kindred Societies in efforts, to extend the blessings of education in our African settlements.

may be

I have unexpectedly enlarged. Let us humbly hope that by grace enabled to persevere, until the Son of God shall look down and behold this portion of the heathen world as his inheritance, and this part of the world in Africa in ac tual possession.

Dr. PROUDFIT concluded his remarks by offering the following Re solution, which was carried unanimously:

Resolved, That the Managers of this Society take such measures as they may deem best calculated to provide for the extension and perinanent establishment of good common schools in the Colony, so that every child may, at least, become ac quainted with the first rudiments of education,

The Rev. R. R. GURLEY, Secretary of the Society, offered the following Resolutions:

1. Resolved, That in the judgment of this meeting, the colonization, with their own consent, of the free people of color in the United States, in Africa, is an enterprise of enlarged humanity and Christian duty.

11

2. Resolved, That this Society has, from its origin, regarded its efforts as experimental and preliminary to greater movements; that it views the success of the Colony of Liberia as demonstration of the practicableness and utility of the scheme, and that it confides in individuals and States most interested in its object, for such measures, and on them and Congress for such means as may be required to extend the benefits of the scheme to their utmost limits.

8. Resolved, That the friends of the Society are urged by the most powerful considerations of humanity, patriotism and religion, to exhibit its plan as worthy of the combined resources and aid of the State Legislatures and of the National Government. And that the Managers be requested to consider the propriety of an early application to Congress for such aid as in their wisdom they may be pleased to extend to this great work of policy and benevolence.

Mr. GURLEY Supported his Resolutions by the following address: Mr. President, I regret that owing to duties elsewhere, I have not been able to contribute my humble aid to the arrangements for this Anniversary. I trust, however, the indulgence of the meeting will be extended to me for a few moments, while I submit two or three thoughts, adapted, I conceive, to the present state of our affairs. They are designed as introductory to three Resolutions, embodying ideas which I hope may meet the approbation of every friend of the Society.

Sir, it was my duty, the last summer, to visit sundry places, and to spend some months in New England. I observed much in the measures of some at the North, and we have all seen much in the agitations of public sentiment throughout the Union, to excite apprehension, if not alarm, in the bosom of the Patriot and Christian.

The great glory of the Colonization Society was, that it assumed ground upon which the wise and benevolent from every State and section in the Union could come together and act for the benefit of the colored race. It was a bond of union between good men at the North and South, who desired to unite their efforts for the relief and improvement of this race. It is important that the object of the Society should be brought out and exhibited as benevolent in all its tendencies and relations. Much distrust of its motives and influence exists at the North. Dark misrepresentations have been set afloat in the community against it. Evil surmi ses have been incredibly multiplied. The friends of the Society had, from its first existence, been charged with the cherishing of a hidden purpose. I believe, Sir, that the Society did start, originally, with a design of good to the whole colored race. True, the Society is limited in its direct action to the free--but not from inhumanity to the enslaved; rather from enlarged benevolence to them and to the colored

race.

Experience has justified the original principles of the Society. The plan it proposes is good for the free, man of color. What, here, is his condition? Unfortu nate, embarrassed, degraded, with nothing to rouse him from his deep, long, spiri tual lethargy. Another race than his, possess the wealth, education and political power; all offices, distinctions, honors, are theirs. The free man of color, there