any increase of national wealth and resources compensate for the degradation and misery of probably ten to fifteen per cent. of the entire population of a nation? If the true art of government, and the duty of governors, be, to produce the greatest happiness of the greatest number of the governed, then the extraordinary extent of the so-much-lauded improvements in machinery, is any thing but a blessing to a country with a crowded population, especially when there is a difficulty of egress. If, however, that portion of the population, who, by machinery, are deprived of work, their only means of procuring subsistence, be enabled to find other employment, or to withdraw to other countries, then the improvement produces nothing but unmixed good. Under a wise policy for the protection of national industry, such as is pursued by all the prosperous nations of Europe, securing a steady home market as far as possible to the agricultural citizens, countries like the United States, with a

the working classes-and the wretched journeymen are thrown on the overseers of the poor for support. If this state of things be a blessing, then the extreme improvements of labour-saving machinery are a blessing of the first order, and cannot be carried too far. But, "there's the rub." The following summary view of the state of the cotton manufacturers, at the date of late advices from Liverpool, extracted from the National Gazette of May 22, 1826, affords a full confirmation of these doctrines, however repugnant they may appear to, and however strongly they may be condemned by, theoretical political economists.

England." The accounts of commercial embarrassments and private distresses the inevitable result of those embarrassments-are indeed melancholy.-Letters received in London on the 18th ult., from Manchester, carried intelligence of the reappearance of distress in that place. Between 40 and 50,000 persons were out of employment, and many almost in a state of starvation. Tho want of orders by the manufacturers was assigned as the cause of the unfortunate recurrence of these distressing events. Unexampled misery reigned among the wretched manufacturers of Blackburn. Thousands and tens of thousands were without sustenance or bread. Whole families in that district are dying of want. The moan of famine meets the agonized ear from famished fathers and starving children."

"We are informed that on Saturday last, the principal manufactory in the neighbouring town of Tewkesbury was closed; the owner, a man of property, being determined no longer to pursue a losing business. In consequence of this resolve, four hundred hands were turned out of employment, and all the looms were called in, the manufactory being in the stocking line. The distress which this sudden and unexpected event has occasioned, may be better understood than described, when we add, that the rates and taxes in that parish are computed to amount to 17s. in the pound. The head of the manufactory was Mr. Terrett."-Cheltenham Chron.

• population small in proportion to their extent, with vast bodies of uncultivated lands, labour dear and land cheap, would derive immense advantages from improvements in machinery. Why? The reason is obvious. Because the manufacturers, deprived of employment, could readily devote themselves to the cultivation of the soil, and thus preserve a proper proportion between supply and demand.

It cannot fail to be useful to display the effects of the improvements in question, by facts of the most conclusive character. Arkwright's celebrated machinery was patented in 1768, but was not brought to perfection till 1775. Further important improvements were made from year to year. Let us see the effect on the poor rates, and on the working part of the population.

The reduction in 1822-23, probably arose from the great reduction of the prices of provisions.

That this frightful increase of pauperism and misery, and of poor rates, is the result of the increase and improvement of machinery, cannot, I think, for a moment be questioned. It is asserted that the machinery at present in use in Great Britain, produces as much manufactures as would require above 200,000,000 of people to execute. The obvious effects of this astonishing productiveness, are, I repeat, to diminish the demand for manual labour-increase the competition among the manufacturers and among the labouring classes-force the latter to underbid each other-reduce the rate of their wages—and thus entail on them distress and misery.

In order to show the effect of the increase of machinery on the wages of those employed in the departments of industry in which it is most extensively used, I annex the following extracts from Tooke's "Thoughts on High and Low Prices." I regret

Statistical Illustrations, p. 21.

+ Lowe's Present State of England, p. 189

that his tables extend no further back than to 1810, as there is every reason to suppose that the previous reductions were still greater than those subsequent to that period. His tables close with the year 1820.

It is worthy of remark, that the wages of journeymen employed in other branches than those interfered with by machinery, and of porters, have undergone no material alteration -and that some of them have even been enhanced. The wages of blockmakers 148. per week; dyers and dressers, 158.; tailors,. 188. 6d.; shoemakers, 168.; porters, 188.; packers, 208.; whitesmiths, 258.; stone-masons, 238.; bricklayers, 228. 6d.; painters, 228.; slaters, 218.; plasterers, 198.; bricklayers' and plasterers' labourers, 158. 2d.; spademen, 158.; were exactly the same in 1820 as in 1810. What they are at present I have no means of ascertaining. Carpenters, whose wages in 1810 were 208., received 30s. in 1820.

I have in a great degree confined my views to the state of Pennsylvania, but by no means wish it understood that this state ought to attract the attention of emigrants exclusively. New York has great advantages, and of course holds out corresponding encouragement. The difference, however, is not very material between the two states-and most of the observations made with respect to the one, apply with little variation to the other. The greatness of the capital of New York must rest chiefly on the basis of commerce-while Philadelphia, although advantageously situated for commerce, and owning vessels in the foreign trade to the amount of 62,610 tons, and in the coasting trade to the amount of 27,556 tons, is more devoted to manufactures than to commerce, and must rest her hopes of a high degree of prosperity mainly on the former.

Dr. Franklin truly stated that "this was a country of labour" And it has undergone no alteration since the days of

that illustrious philosopher. Let no man, therefore, whether farmer, mechanic, manufacturer, or labourer, delude himself into the opinion that by emigration into the United States he can dispense with labour. Nothing can be more erroneous.

Let it, however, be observed, as a source of consolation to those descriptions of persons who are more particularly wanted in the United States, that there is probably no country where the same degree of comfort and enjoyment can be procured by the working classes, with the same degree of exertion. For two days' labour, at twelve hours per day, a journeyman at most of the trades carried on in Philadelphia or New York, can procure wholesome, substantial food in sufficient abundance, flesh meat of good quality included, for one week. Is there any other country under the canopy of heaven, of which the same statement can be made to the same extent, and with equal truth? However, let me repeat, in the most forcible language, and I hope it will have its due weight in those quarters for which it is intended, that no man ought, on any account whatever, to cross the Atlantic to settle in the United States, unless he be seriously disposed to industry and economy, and determined not to be discouraged by those difficulties, which, even under favourable auspices, rarely fail to attend a change of country: nor is it advisable for any man in Europe, who is happily or comfortably situated, to emigrate to this or any other country. Let all such men remember the old admonitory epitaph, too often and most destructively neglected-"I was well I would be better-Here I am."

Philadelphia, May 25, 1826.

PREFACE TO THE THIRD EDITION.

Although I have been gratified with the unequivocal approbation this pamphlet has almost universally experienced, yet three of my friends have made objections to it, which appear to deserve notice.

One gentleman thinks it not sufficiently elaborated—and that it ought to be more full and more in detail. To this I reply, that I could have easily, but perhaps not very usefully, extended it to twice or thrice its present size. But I sought to compress the matter into the smallest compass, so as to secure the greatest circulation and the greatest number of readers. My

object was to give merely a general outline of the situation of the country, in order to afford encouragement to those whose immigration is desirable to this nation, and would be advantageous to themselves, and likewise to discourage those to whom it would probably be prejudicial. This object, surely, did not require much detail—and I trust is fully accomplished. It is, I repeat once more, to be lamented, that while by a sound policy this country might really be, what it was once announced to be "AN ASYLUM FOR THE OPPRESSED OF ALL NATIONS," the mistaken policy of our government contracts, within very narrow limits, the number of those to whom immigration into it would be advantageous. Had the sound policy here alluded to, been pursued since the organization of our government, we might have had an annual accession to our population of 30, 40, or 50,000, of the most useful of the people of Europe, with their talents, industry, and capital. These immense advantages, the extent and importance of which it is difficult to calculate, we have wantonly thrown away. I need not add, that there is no country in the world, into which immigration should be more studiously promoted by every fair means, than the United States.

The second critic presumes I ought to have established my statements by documents. Few men carry this plan more fully into execution than I do, whenever necessary-as is manifest from the Olive Branch, the Vindicia Hibernicæ, and indeed, my writings generally. But in the present case, I did not presume that this mode of support was at all necessary. I flattered myself that it was scarcely possible, from the whole tenor of the work, to mistake the motives of the writer, or to entertain a reasonable doubt of the correctness of his statements. This opinion remains unchanged.

The third objection, made by an enlightened citizen, appears more surprising than the others, particularly considering the quarter from which it emanates. It is, that I ought to have gone into details respecting the situation of the people of England and Ireland, and contrasted it with that of our citizens. Is this a valid objection? I believe not. The pamphlet is chiefly intended for those countries, and surely it could not be necessary to depict to the suffering poor of either, the nature or extent of their distress, or to form a contrast between their situation and that to which they may aspire here. They know too well the evils under which they labour, to require to be re