ceding to this confederation, and joining in the measures of the United States, shall be admitted into, and entitled to, all the advantages of this union; but no other colony shall be admitted into the same unless such admission be agreed to by nine states.

Art. 12. [Prior public debts secured.]-All bills of credit emitted, moneys borrowed, and debts contracted, by or under the authority of Congress, before the assembling of the United States, in pursuance of the present confederation, shall be deemed and considered as a charge against the United States, for payment and satisfaction whereof the said United States and the public faith are hereby solemnly pledged.

Art. 13. [Effect of articles; amendments.]-Every state shall abide by the determination of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by this confederation, are submitted to them. And the articles of this confederation shall be inviolably observed by every state, and the union shall be perpetual; nor shall any alteration at any time hereafter be made in any of them, unless such alteration be agreed to in a congress of the United States, and be afterwards confirmed by the legislature of every state.

And whereas it has pleased the Great Governor of the world to incline the hearts of the legislatures we respectfully represent in Congress, to approve of and to authorize us to ratify the said articles of confederation and perpetual union: Know YE, That we, the undersigned delegates, by virtue of the power and authority to us given for that purpose, do, by these presents, in the name and in behalf of our respective constituents, fully and entirely ratify and confirm each and every of the said articles of confederation and perpetual union, and all and singular the matters and things therein contained; and we do further solemnly plight and engage

the faith of our respective constituents, that they shall abide by the determinations of the United States in Congress assembled, on all questions which, by the said confederation, are submitted to them; and that the articles thereof shall be inviolably observed by the states we respectively represent; and that the union shall be perpetual.

In witness whereof, we have hereunto set our hands, in Congress. Done at Philadelphia, in the state of Pennsylvania, the ninth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand seven hundred and seventy-eight, and in the third year of the independence of America. On the part and behalf of the state of New-Hampshire. Josiah Bartlett, John Wentworth, Jun., Aug. 8, 1778.

On the part and behalf of the state of Massachusetts Bay.

On the part and in behalf of the state of Rhode-Island and Providence Plantations.

William Ellery,

John Collins.

Henry Marchant,

On the part and behalf of the state of Connecticut.

Roger Sherman,

Samuel Huntington,

Oliver Wolcott,

Titus Hosmer,

Andrew Adams.

On the part and behalf of the state of New-York.

Jas. Duane,

Fra. Lewis,

Wm. Duer,

Gouv. Morris.

On the part and in behalf of the state of New-Jersey.

Jno. Witherspoon,

Nat. Scudder, Nov. 26, 1778.

On the part and behalf of the state of Pennsylvania.

Robt. Morris,

Daniel Roberdeau,

Jona. Bayard Smith,

William Clingan,

Joseph Reed, 22d July, 1778.

On the part and behalf of the state of Delaware.

Tho. M'Kean, Feb.

1779.

13, Nicholas Van Dyke.

John Dickinson, May 5th,

1779.

On the part and behalf of the state of Maryland. John Hanson, March 1, Nathaniel Carroll, do. 1781.

On the part and behalf of the state of Virginia. Richard Henry Lee,

John Banister,

Thomas Adams,

Jno. Harvie,
Francis Lightfoot Lee.

On the part and behalf of the state of North-Carolina. John Penn, July 21st, 1778. Jno. Williams.

Corns. Harnett,

On the part and behalf of the state of South-Carolina.

Henry Laurens,

William Henry Drayton,

Jno. Mathews,

Richard Hutson,

Thos. Heyward, Jun.

On the part and behalf of the state of Georgia.

Jno. Walton, 24th July, Edwd. Telfair,

1778.

Edwd. Langworthy.

THE CONSTITUTION

OF THE UNITED

STATES, 1787.

The weakness of the Articles of Confederation was generally conceded almost from their inception; and it became evident, even before they were ratified, that they did not provide a bond of union sufficient for a new nation with such unexampled possibilities. As early as 1780 Alexander Hamilton advocated a convention. of all the states for the purpose of reforming the evils of the existing government, and the subject became a matter of public discussion soon after the articles had been finally ratified.

The legislature of New York took up the subject in the summer of 1782; and on the 20th of July, the state senate passed an important series of resolutions relating to the "state of the Nation," reciting, among other things, that "in the opinion of this legislature, the radical source of most of our embarrassments is the want of sufficient power in Congress to effectuate that ready and perfect coöperation of the different states, on which their immediate safety and future happiness depends; that experience has demonstrated the Confederation to be defective in several essential points, particularly in not vesting the Federal government either with a power of providing revenue for itself, or with ascertained and productive funds, secured by a sanction so solemn and general as would inspire the fullest confidence in them, and make them a substantial basis of credit; that these defects ought to be, without loss of time, repaired, the powers of Congress extended, a solid security established for the payment of debts already incurred, and competent means provided for future credit, and for supplying the current demands of the war. That it

appears to this legislature that the foregoing important ends can never be attained by partial deliberations of the states, separately; but that it is essential to the common welfare that there should be, as soon as possible, a conference of the whole on the subject; and that it would be advisable for this purpose, to propose to Congress to recommend, and to each state to adopt, the measure of assembling a general convention of the states, especially authorized to revise and amend the Confederation, reserving a right to the respective legislatures to ratify their determinations."

The resolutions were concurred in the next day by the assembly, and on the 22d the governor was requested to transmit copies to Congress and to each state executive. New York was not alone in appreciating the defects of the Confederation, but I believe this was the earliest legislative action recommending a general convention to revise the form of government.

In January, 1786, Virginia initiated a movement for a convention of delegates from the several states to consider important questions relating to trade and commerce. New York joined in this movement, but a majority of the states did not, and the convention was therefore unable to accomplish its primary purpose. It reported the situation to Congress, expressing the opinion in substance that the Confederation was inefficient, and that it was necessary to devise "such farther provisions as shall render the same adequate to the exigencies of the Union," and recommending a convention to frame a new constitution. Congress concurred in this view, and on the 21st of February, 1787, adopted a resolution recommending a general convention "for the sole and express purpose of revising the Articles of Confederation, and reporting to Congress and the several legislatures such alterations and provisions therein.