and defended to the last extremity by every citizen. Our government is entitled to our cordial support, not only by making a proper use of the right to vote, by rendering military service in times of national stress and danger, by performing official duties when called to the public service, by maintaining the dignity of the state in the proper administration of justice, but also by making financial contributions for the expenses incurred in carrying on the government. These contributions are usually made by the payment of taxes, but they are also made by the operation of revenue laws, and by various other methods of raising money for public purposes.

National revenues are raised by indirect processes, which only remotely affect the majority of citizens; but in state and municipal affairs the people have frequent occasion to feel the burden of taxation. The weight of local taxation is sometimes relieved by resorting to indirect methods of raising funds, such as imposing taxes on inheritances, on the sales of intoxicating liquors, on the transfers of certain property, and on particular kinds of, business. The streams of tribute flowing into the treasury from these sources sometimes furnish funds sufficient for carrying on the government, and in this way direct taxation is either avoided, or greatly reduced.

The most serious burdens of taxation arise from municipal expenditures. These cover a wide range of subjects, including schools, charities, public buildings, lighting, water supply, drainage, public health, police, highways, streets, parks, and other public places, besides the compensation of officers and other incidental and extraordinary purposes. The administration of these various subjects touches the citizen at short range, for it is, or may be, under his own immediate observation. The expenditures may be authorized by his own vote, and he is thus in a measure responsible for them. Every citizen should free

ly contribute for these purposes, especially when taxes are reasonable and equitably assessed, and the proceeds are wisely expended. Organized society cannot be maintained without such expenditures, varying in degree according to circumstances.

The expenditures are directly or indirectly under the control of the citizens of the municipality, and are therefore, in form and often in fact, made with their consent. This is another instance of the "consent of the governed," which, according to the Declaration of Independence, is the source of all the powers of a just government. The privilege of giving the consent implies a corresponding duty to sustain all departments of the government so established.

Obedience to Law.

"Let every soul be subject unto the higher powers. For there is no power but of God; the powers that be are ordained of God." Thus wrote St. Paul to his Roman friends at the beginning of the Christian era. The great apostle was himself a free-born Roman citizen, and he was proud of his citizenship; at a critical juncture he claimed the benefit of its privileges and immunities, and that as a Roman citizen he was entitled to the protection of the Roman government against the exercise of arbitrary power by Roman officers whose intended treatment of him would have deprived him of his liberty, and perhaps of his life, without due process of law. The Saviour said, on an important occasion: "Render unto Cæsar the things that are Cæsar's; and unto God the things that are God's." St. Peter expressed the same. idea in one of his letters when he said, "Fear God, honor the King;" that is, honor the government of the country in which you live.

We need not here argue about the divine right of kings; we in the United States have asserted the divine right of the people to rule themselves, and have proclaimed that right, not only in the Declaration of Independence, but in our Constitutions and laws. The foregoing admonitions from Holy Writ clearly teach that patriotism is a religious duty, which patriotism includes not only love of country, but loyalty to the government, respect for its institutions, and obedience to its laws.

It must be manifest to all careful observers that some persons come to the United States without a proper appreciation of the principles underlying free government, and acts of lawlessness here and there, from time to time, show that the term "liberty" is often misunderstood. There must be government; there must be order. But real liberty is regulated by law, and it is founded on the well-being of society. Even in a democracy, or under a republican form of government like ours, the people sometimes make mistakes in determining the best policies; and there may be failures in administering the laws and procuring the best results; but it may be safely asserted that in the main our laws are good enough for every citizen, native or naturalized.

The best citizens are those who are "above the law;" not beyond its reach, nor superior to its influence, but whose daily lives are such that they do not feel the operation of law in its ordinary sense. There are probably thousands of persons who know little or nothing of the penal code; its commandments, prohibitions, and penalties mean nothing to them, for they are above it. If all our citizens could live in such an atmosphere as this, there would be little need of penal laws, or police, or courts. St. Paul says that "rulers are not a terror to good works, but to the evil." "Do that which is good, and thou shalt have praise" of the power. The people are

the rulers, they are jealous of the institutions they have established and are trying to maintain. Every citizen's standing in the community, and the degree of respect which he enjoys among his neighbors, depend very largely upon his attitude toward the laws and institutions of the country.

There can be no higher duty of the citizen than obedience to the laws. Indeed, this comprehends all the duties which have been considered in this section, and all other related duties which have not been particularly mentioned. If a foreigner comes to us with a desire to improve his condition, with the intention of becoming one of our people, and of contributing to the welfare of the community by the addition of his own intelligence and virtue, and thus enjoy to the fullest extent the privileges and immunities accorded to every member of society, he may here find an ample field for the gratification of his aspirations; and he may illustrate by his own experience and possibilities what it means to be an American citizen.

THE GREAT DOCUMENT S.

One object of this book is to present to the foreigner intending to become a citizen the great documents which are the foundation of our institutions, and the charters which set forth the theory and plan of the American system of government. The principles underlying our form of government have already been considered, more or less fully, in the Introduction. The documents on which the discussion chiefly rests are given at length in the following pages, but it is believed that a brief reference to them here will be of interest to the reader.

Magna Charta.

First in the list belongs this ancient instrument which has so long been deemed the basis of English and American free institutions. A brief sketch of it is given in a preliminary note to the Charter, and little more need be said here concerning its origin. For a full description and the text of this document and also of the articles containing the demands made upon the King which were afterwards amplified and granted in the Charter itself see post, 52-82.

No one can fail to appreciate the ancient character of the instrument, when it is remembered that it was written only a century and a half after William of Normandy invaded England and achieved that great conquest which, according to Sir Francis Palgrave, established an AngloNorman dynasty, and gave to the world the British Empire. Every loyal and patriotic Englishman cherishes the Great Charter as a priceless heritage. Kings have

[46]