and to remove-all apprehension of internal convulsions from the dangerous experiment of a second

convention.

"Thus it appears from the very documents produced in exculpation of Mr. Jefferson, that he in fact discountenanced in the first instance, the adoption of the constitution in its primitive form, favouring the idea of an attempt at previous amendments by a second convention; which was precisely the line of policy followed by all those who were at that time denominated ANTIFEDERAL, and who have generally since retained their original ENMITY against the constitution. As to those letters of Mr. Jefferson, which are subsequent to his knowledge of the ratification of the constitution by the requisite number of states, they prove nothing, but that he was willing to play the politician. They can at best only be received as expedient acts of submission to the opinion of the majority, which he professed to believe infallible, (resigning to it, with all possible humility, not only his conduct, but his judgmént,) not as marks of approbation.

"It will be remarked that there was no want of versatility in his opinions; they kept pace tolerably well with the progress of the business, and were quite as accommodating as circumstances seemed to require. On the 31st July 1788, when the adoption of the constitution was known, the various and weighty objections of March 1787, had resolved themselves into the simple want of a bill of rights. In November following, on the strength of the authority of three states (over-ruling, in that instance, the maxim of implicit deference for the opinion of the majority) that lately solitary defect acquires a companion, in a revival of the objection to the re-eligibility of the President. And another convention, which had appeared no very alarming expedient, while the entire constitution was in jeopardy,

pardy, became an object to be deprecated, when partial amendments to an already established constitution were alone in question."

"By those who attended to the opposition of Mr. Jefferson, while secretary of state, to the measures of the treasury department, it was made a question, whether that opposition flowed altogether from his hostility to the head of that department (whose competition might, at a future period, be apprehended, and whose destruction was therefore desirable) or from his entertaining principles respecting public credit and national faith, very different from those which have influenced all nations, who cherish those valuable pillars of national strength.

"As his conduct, while minister of the United States at Paris, in relation to this subject, may throw great light on his principles, I shall proceed to state the exact tenor of the advice which Mr. Jefferson gave to Congress, respecting the transfer of the debt due to France, to a company of Hollanders. After mentioning an offer which had been made by such a company for the purchase of the debt, he concludes with these extraordinary expressions" If there is a danger of the public payments not being punctual, I submit whether it may not be better, that the discontents which would then arise, should be transferred from a court, of whose good will we have so much need, to the breasts of a private company."

"The above is an extract which was made from the letter in February 1787. The date of it was not noted, but the original being on the files in the department of state, will ascertain that, and all other particulars, relating to its contents-The genuineness of the extract may be depended upon.

P 3

"This

"This letter was the subject of a report from the board of treasury, in February 1787: that board treated the idea of transfer proposed as both UNJUST and IMPOLITIC: unjust, because the nation would contract an engagement, which there was no well grounded prospect of fulfilling; impolitic, because a failure in the payment of interest on the debt transferred (which was inevitable) would justly blast all hopes of credit with the citizens of the United Netherlands, in future pressing exigencies of the Union; and the board gave it as their opinion, that it would be adviseable for Congress, without delay, to instruct their minister at the Court of France, to forbear giving his sanction to any such

transfer.

"Congress agreeing in the ideas of the board, caused an instruction to that effect to be sent to Mr. Jefferson. Here there was a solemn act of govern ment condemning the principle as unjust and impolitic.

"If the sentiment contained in the extract, which has been recited, can be vindicated from political profligacy-then is it necessary to unlearn all the ancient notions of justice, and to substitute some new-fashioned scheme of morality in their stead.

"Here is no complicated problem, which sophistry may entangle or obscure. Here is a plain question of moral feeling. A government is encouraged on the express condition of not having a pros pect of making a due provision for a debt which it owes, to concur in a transfer of that debt from a nation, well able to bear the inconveniencies of failure or delay, to individuals whose total ruin might have been the consequence of it; and that, upon the interested consideration of having need of the good will of the creditor nation, and with the disbonourable motive, as is clearly implied, of having more to apprehend from the discontents of that nation,

than

.

than from those of disappointed and betrayed individuals. Let every honest and impartial mind, consulting its own spontaneous emotions, pronounce for itself upon the rectitude of such a suggestion.

"An effort, scarcely plausible, has been heretofore made by the partisans of Mr. Jefferson, to explain away the turpitude of this advice*. It was represented, that "a company of adventuring speculators had offered to purchase the debt at a discount, foreseeing the delay of payment, calculating the probable loss, and willing to encounter the hazard.”—But the terms employed by Mr. Jefferson refute this species of apology. His words are, "there is a danger of the public payments not being "punctual, I submit whether it may not be better, "that the discontents which would then arise, should "be transferred from a court of whose good will "we have so much need, to the breasts of a private "company."

if

"He plainly takes it for granted, that discontents would arise from the want of an adequate provision, and proposes that they should be transferred to the breasts of individuals. This he could not have taken for granted, if, in his conception, the purchasers had calculated on delay and loss.

"The true construction then is, that the company expected to purchase at an under value, from the probability that the Court of France might be willing to raise a sum of money on this fund, at a sacrifice-supposing that the United States, counting on her friendly indulgence, might be less inclined to press the reimbursement; not that they calculated on material delay, or neglect, when the transfer should be made to them. They probably made a

* See Jefferson's attempted Vindication, in Dunlap's Daily Advertiser, of O&tober 1792.

very different calculation, (to wit) that as it would be ruinous to the credit of the United States abroad, to neglect any part of its debt, which was contracted there with individuals, from the impossibility of one part being distinguishable from another in the public apprehensions, this consideration would stimulate to exertions to provide for it; and so it is evident from his own words that Mr. Jefferson understood it.

"But the persons who offered to purchase were by the apologist called SPECULATORS. The cry of speculation, as usual, was raised; and this with some people, was the panacea, the universal cure for fraud and breach of faith.

"It is true, as was alleged by the apologist, Mr. Jefferson mentioned an alternative, the obtaining of money by new loans, to reimburse the Court of France; but this is not mentioned in any way that derogates from or waves the advice given in the first instance. He merely presents an alternative, in case the first idea should be disapproved.

"It may be added, the advice respecting the transfer of the debt was little more honourable to the United States, as it regarded the Court of France, than as it respected the Dutch company. What a blemish on our national character, that a debt of so sacred a nature should have been transferred at so considerable a loss to so meritorious a creditor !"

* * * * *

"We shall now take leave of Mr. Jefferson and his pretensions, as a Philosopher and Politician. The candid and unprejudiced, who have read with attention, the foregoing comments on his philosophical and political works, and on his public conduct, must now be convinced, however they may hitherto have been deceived by a plausible appearance and specious talents, or misled by artful parti

sans,