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able and willing to send a convoy with its merchantmen? Give up this right, and your enemy will carry on his commerce, and receive every succour of which he may stand in need, while your mighty fleet will remain the motionless and mortified spectator of its country's ruin and disgrace. And, as to the danger of increasing the number of your enemies, by the vigorous exercise of this right, let VATTEL give the answer:-"Even," says he, "if I should, by taking such measure," (that of searching), "render all these neutral nations my enemies, I had better run the hazard, than suffer him, who is actually at war with me, to be thus freely supplied to the great increase of his power."-And if this observation be true, with regard to nations in general, with what peculiar force does it apply to Great Britain, whose influence in the world, whose safety, and whose very existence, as a nation, depends, in a great measure, on her maritime force, and on the exercise of her maritime rights?

Nor is the hazard so great as the pantalooned. politicians would persuade us; for, though their cropped pates are powderless, thank God, we have powder of another description. There are persons, who, when you talk of Bonaparte, tremble as if they had the ague. For our parts, we see nothing formidable about him, except, perchance, it be his horns. A confederacy of the powers of the North would very nearly resemble one of our non-consumption associations; in a body they would make solemn resolutions, to which, individually, they would take special care not to adhere. Like the mice in council, they would most unanimously and most heroically determine to fix a tether round the neck of the cat; but the laudable project certainly would fail for want of some one to put it in execution. As to America, were the old lion at the

point of death indeed, she might, like the ignoble ass, venture to give her blow amongst the rest; but while he retains his teeth and his claws, while health strings his nerves, and glory warms his heart, she never will have courage to come within the hearing of his roar.

While, however, we most heartily despise the machinations of both our open and secret enemies, we shall lose no opportunity of exposing their envy and malignancy; a striking instance of which is exhibited in the Convention between France and America. Extraneous circumstances and internal evidences concur to prove, that this Convention was levelled at Great Britain. When America had to complain of illegal captures made by the cruisers of this country, indemnification for these captures was a prominent article of the accommodation. How different has been her conduct towards her sister Republic! Her claims on Great Britain amounted to not one million of dollars, while those which she has against France amount to nearly thirty millions, a sum equal to three whole years of her revenue. Yet this immense claim has been quietly laid upon the shelf, and all the insults, the Scourgings, the thumb-screwings, the shootings, the saberings, and the hangings, of the poor American citizen sailors, have been laid upon the shelf along with it. Nay, even on these degrading terms, the like of which no British negotiator would have dared to accede to, the Corsican did not condescend to treat, till he conceived the plan of a Convention that might tend to excite a neutral confederacy. That this was his object, and his only object, is clear from his haste in publishing the Convention. When was an instrument of this kind ever before promulgated previous to ratification? And though he might probably be assured that the American President would approve of the conduct

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of his Envoys, be it what it might, how could he be certain that the sovereign people of that country would be so ready to fraternize with him. The poor sovereign people, with their thirty millions of dollars, seem not to have made a single unit in his calculations. We can assure him, however, that this sovereign people is not such a senseless

dolt as he may imagine, and that it will require something more solid than the frippery and froth of Citizen la Fayette to outweigh the advantages which the Americans know they derive from the friendship of England. Should we be deceived, however; should the people of America be foolish enough to listen to the suggestions of their and our enemies, we know the worst that can happen. Ten stout ships, added to our squadron at Halifax, would, in the course of three months, bring the sixteen United States to our feet, or send them to seek for new constitutions in the pigeon-holes of the Abbé Sieyes. We wish most sincerely to live in peace and amity with America; but we know her disposition too well to hope by concessions to preserve her friendship: and we have too intimate a knowledge of her resources to deprecate her anger, or dread her hostility.

PROCEEDINGS IN CONGRESS,

During the Session which ended in March, 1801.

The Legislature of Pennsylvania continued, on the 25th of November, to dispute about the mode of choosing electors; and as the electors must hold their election in the first week in December, it is probable that the next President and Vice-President will be chosen without any vote being given by Pennsylvania;

Pennsylvania; thus, in the most important election which can possibly be held in America, one sixth part of its "free and enlightened citizens" will be tricked out of their "imprescriptible, unalienable and inestimable rights !"-And this is called "representative government," or " self-government," and sometimes" republican government." For our parts, we most heartily wish that the Pennsylvanians may be tricked out of their votes, because we think that the trick will preserve America from the fraternal embraces of Jefferson and Bonaparte; but we are not sure that the remedy will not prove too violent for the body politic of America, which, to make use of the words of the French Ambassador Fauchet, is in a state of "youthful decrepitude," of anticipated old age. We hope, however, for the best; and in all the changes which folly and faction may produce, the mass of the people of the United States will invariably have our good wishes.

On the 21st of November the President opened the Congress at the city of Washington. His speech was written more for the use of the people of this country than for the people of America: accordingly not a moment was lost in having it reprinted in the Morning Chronicle. But this speech stands in need of a commentary, which the Chronicle was not, we suppose, instructed to give; an omission which we shall endeavour to supply.

SPEECH.

"Gentlemen of the Senate, and Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

"Immediately after the adjournment of Congress, at their last session in Philadelphia, I gave directions, in compliance with the laws, for the removal of the public offices, records, and property. These directions have been executed, and the public officers have since resided and conducted the ordinary business of the Government in this place.

"I congratulate the people of the United States on the assembling of Congress at the permanent seat of their Go

vernment

vernment, and I congratulate you, Gentlemen, on the prospect of a residence not to be changed. Although there is cause to apprehend that accommodations are not now so complete as might be wished, yet there is great reason to believe that this inconve nience will cease with the present session."

If the accommodations for two hundred persons are not so complete as could be wished, what a famous city must this be? We beg our readers to recollect the puff which a morning paper contained, a few days ago, on this subject. The fact is, this city is a mere ragged wilderness, in which more money has been sunk than the whole district, for twenty miles round, would sell for. But the speculators want to draw another half million from the pockets of John Bull, and, while the noble art of printing shall flourish, there will never be wanting prostituted newspapers to aid them in the swindling enterprize. We verily believe, that, with fifty guineas, fifty English newspapers might be led to discover Elysian Fields in the deserts of Siberia; and, with twice the sum, we think it possible to obtain, from the same papers, an eulogium on Lucifer.

"It would be unbecoming the representatives of this nation to assemble, for the first time, in this solemn Temple, without looking up to the Supreme Ruler of the Universe, and imploring his blessing. May this territory be the residence of virtue and happiness. In this city may that piety and virtue, that wisdom and magnanimity, that constancy and self-government, which adorned the great character whose name it bears, be for ever beld in veneration. Here, and throughout our country, may simple manners, pure morals, and true religion, flourish for ever."

We do not see with what propriety the "Capital of Washington city is called a " solemn temple" nor do we much admire the exhortation to implore the blessing of" the Supreme Ruler of the Universe," which, on such an occasion, and from such a person, savours more of cant than of piety.

VOL. XII,

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