piety. The eulogium on Washington would have had the air of sincerity, did we not recollect that Mr. Hamilton has publicly declared, that Adams reproved the Secretary at War for praising General Washington, and he even made this offence a ground for displacing the said Secretary. But, it is said, this arose from Mr. Adams's admiration of the General, and from his desire to monopolize the pleasure of praising him! This may be, and we hope that we shall never be so graceless as to interfere in the monopoly.

"It is with you, Gentlemen, to consider whether the local powers over the district of Columbia, vested by the constitution in the Congress of the United States, shall be immediately exercised If in your opinion this important trust ought now to be executed, you cannot fail, while performing it, to take into view the future probable situation of the territory, for the happiness of which you are bound to provide. You will consider it as the capital of a great nation, advancing with unexampled rapidity in arts, in commerce, in wealth, and in population; and possessing within itself those energies and resources, which, if not thrown away, or lamentably misdirected, secure to it a long course of prosperity and self-government."

Reader, do you know what this " know what this "local power' is? It is this: the Congress is authorized, by the constitution, to exercise exclusive jurisdiction, in all cases whatever, over that district (not exceeding ten miles square) which is the seat of government, Thus, has this government, at last, got some territory to rule over. Its subjects may probably amount to about seven hundred, exclusive of the inhabitants of the little town of Columbia. There will now be eighteen different sorts of local governments; eighteen distinct sets of statutes for the government of one nation. It will not, it cannot come to good.

"In compliance with a law of the last session of Congress, the officers and soldiers of the temporary army have been discharged. It affords real pleasure to recollect the honourable

testimony

testimony they gave of the patriotic motives which brought them into the service of their country, by the readiness and regularity with which they returned to the station of private citizens."

Three fourths of these soldiers were Irishmen. Shame! shame! to talk of patriotic motives! It is well known, that, when they were disbanded, they did not amount to above half the number that they should have amounted to; and it is also well known, that one of the reasons (given by a member of Congress) for the officers' entering the service, was, to save themselves from being arrested for debt! And these are" patriolic motives!" There is not a man in America, not even a black fellow, who has not laughed at this part of the speech; but John Bull will think it wondrous fine; and his ANNUAL HISTORIANS will not fail to receive it as information of the first authority.-Go, go thy ways, John; thou art as honest a gull as any Christendom.

in

"It is, in every point of view, of such primary importance to carry the laws into prompt and faithful execution, and to render that part of the administration of justice, which the constitution and laws devolve on the federal courts, as convenient to the people, as may consist with their present circumstances, that I cannot omit once more to recommend to your serious consideration the judiciary system of the United States. No subject is more interesting than this to the public happiness, and to none can those improvements, which may have been suggested by experience, be more beneficially applied."

Especially with such judges as you have; while such men as Chase, Redman, Turner, Brackenridge, Shippen, Brammon, and M Kean, sit upon the bench of justice, you may rest assured of a "faithful execution" of the laws. A few anecdotes of these seven judges would make our readers stare: but we have not room for them at present.

"A treaty of amity and commerce with the King of Prussia has been concluded and ratified. The ratifications have been exchanged; and I have directed the treaty to be promulgated by proclamation."

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Ah!

Ah! say'st thou so! Then it is high time for England to look about her.-Mr. Adams's son is the Ambassador at Berlin, where the Abbé Sieyes was at the time when Mr. Adams resolved, in a manner so very unexpected, to send another petitioning embassy to France.-More of this here

after.

"The difficulties which suspended the execution of the sixth article of our treaty of amity, commerce, and navigation with Great Britain, have not yet been removed. The negotiation on this subject is still depending. As it must be for the interest and honour of both nations to adjust this difference with good faith, I indulge confidently the expectation, that the sincere endeavours of the Government of the United States to bring it to an amicable termination, will not be disappointed.

"The Envoys Extraordinary and Ministers Plenipotentiary from the United States to France, were received by the First Consul with the respect due to their character, and three persons with equal powers were appointed to treat with them. Although at the date of the last official intelligence the negotiation had not terminated, yet it is to be hoped, that our efforts to effect an accommodation will at length meet with a success proportioned to the sincerity with which they have been so often repeated.

"While our best endeavours for the preservation of harmony with all nations will continue to be used, the experience of the world, our own experience, admonish us of the insecurity af trusting too confidently to their success. We cannot, without committing a dangerous imprudence, abandon those measures of self-protection, which are adapted to our situation, and to which, notwithstanding our pacific policy, the violence and injustice of others may again compel us to resort. While our vast extent of sea-coast, the commercial and agricultural habits of our people, the great capital they will continue to trust on the ocean, suggest the system of defence, which will be most beneficial to ourselves-our distance from Europe, and our resources for maritime strength will enable us to employ it with effect. Seasonable and systematic arrangements, so far as our resources will justify, for a navy adopted to defensive war, and which may, in case of necessity, be quickly brought into use, seem to be as much recommended by a wise and true economy, as by a just regard for our future tranquillity, for the safety of our shores, and for the protection of our property committed to the ocean. The present navy of the United States, called suddenly into existence by a great national exigency, has raised

us

us in our own esteem, and by the protection afforded to our commerce, has effected, to the utmost of our expectations, the objects for which it was created.

"In connexion with a navy, ought to be contemplated the fortification of some of our principal sea ports and harbours. A variety of considerations which will readily suggest themselves, urge an attention to this measure of precaution. To give security to our principal ports, considerable sums have already been expended, but the works remain incomplete. It is for Congress to determine whether additional appropriations shall be made, in order to render competent to the intended purposes, the fortifications which have been commenced.

"The manufacture of arms within the United States still invites the attention of the national legislature. At a considerable expense to the public, this manufactory has been brought to such a state of maturity, as, with continued encouragement, will supersede the necessity of future importations from foreign countries."

We beg our readers to observe well what they have here read, and to connect it with the circumstance of a new treaty with Prussia, and the convention with France. America will not absolutely go to war with us; but unless we immediately convince her that we are not to be bullied out of our right of searching, she will talk about war; she will even attempt to convoy her merchantmen; and will certainly excite a loud a loud clamour amongst those in this country, who own American stock, and American lands, and who trade with America. A sapient morning print is pleased to tell the public, that, "what passes in so distant a country, cannot be of much general interest in this kingdom." Let John Adams send out his convoys, and the sapient print will soon find its mistake. The sapient print does not know, perhaps, that America takes more of our manufactured goods than all the nations of Europe put together; that she holds more of our capital than all the nations in the world; that she takes more produce from our colonies, and carries more produce to them, than all the other nations in the world; these things, and a great many more, the sapient print knows nothing about, or it certainly would not say that events in

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America

America are not "generally interesting" in this country." So distant a country!" This is like a baby. America does not concern us, because it is a good way off. Oh! sapient politician! You do not perceive that India is still more "distant," and you forget that Bermuda, the Bahamas, Jamaica, with a long list of valuable et cæteras, are not so far distant from America as from England; nay, that they are just at her door. The sapient print thinks Bonaparte's decrees respecting emigrants, of a vast deal more importance than the election of an American President. The sapient print often gives us columns full of matter about Sweden, Denmark, and Prussia, which three nations all put together, are of far less importance to us than the single city of New-York. But New York is at a great "distance." America is rivalling us very fast in our commerce to the east of the Cape of Good Hope; she has more than a hundred vessels employed in the East India and China trade; she has all the profit from the province of Canada, while we have all the expense; she is but she is at a great distance," says the sapient print, and, therefore, she is of no consequence. sincerely hope that the sapient print is quite singular in its opinion on this subject, and yet we are afraid it is not.

We

One thing, however, is certain; that, if we obstinately continue to look at nothing but the Continent of Europe, our fate will, at no very distant day, be something like that of the one-eyed Doe.

"Gentlemen of the House of Representatives,

"I shall direct the estimates of the appropriations, necessary for the ensuing year, together with an account of the public revenue and expenditures, to a late period, to be laid before you. I observe with much satisfaction, that the product of the revenue, during the present year, has been more considerable than during any former equal period. This result affords conclusive evidence of the great resources of this country, and of

the