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Benjamin Franklin, John Jay, and Henry Lawrens, the Tower prisoner, negotiators, to enter into preliminary articles of peace, with commissioners to be appointed on the part of Great Britain. This offer was not rejected. The wide success elsewhere attending her arms did not blind England's new council to the fatality of further pursuing this unnatural war. Messrs. Fitz-Herbert and Oswald undertook to negotiate for England. On the 30th of November, 1782, the plenipotentiaries agreed. The terms were only preliminary, to be considered conclusive in the event of peace between France and England, and to be a part of any definitive treaty between both these powers. But they were of momentous import to England, America, and the world. They recognised a new independent nation, with almost boundless territory, and unrestrained commerce and rights of fishery. They sacrificed, too, the confiscated property of the royalists; and the English commissioners contented themselves with making the necessities of their partizans the subject of a recommendation.

Hallowed recompense for so long a struggle, such hard toil, unexampled privations, and exalted virtue! The sun of peace shone mildly down upon a liberated country.

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But out of its first glow was generated a new element of difficulty. The army, brave beyond example, enduring beyond anything that it was thought human strength could cope with, were worn with years and toil, and without reward. A spirit of dissension was kindled among them,

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the more difficult to be quelled because it was impossible to deny its justice. Love of disci pline and a soldier's honour were the only appeals from threatened anarchy. They were the highest and purest impulses of Washington. He called the officers together, and impressed on them these two noble principles. The same arguments from any other tongue might have been in vain, but his accents were loved too well. The result of the General's recommendation was this resolution:

RESOLVED "That no circumstances of distress or danger, should induce a conduct that might tend to sully the reputation the army had acquired; and that they continued to have the utmost confidence in the justice of Congress, and of their country, and viewed with abhorrence, and rejected with disdain, the infamous propositions in the late anonymous address to the officers and the army."

This resolution was faithfully observed. The army was soon disbanded, at first gradually and by means of furloughs; and, finally, by a general order of Congress. They received four months' pay in lieu of all the arrears due to them, and retired, for the most part, to the pursuits they had abandoned for the defence of their country. The most cherished memorial that lit up their homes and hearts thereafter was, the farewell of him who led them to victory. It concluded thus.**** The evacuation of New York soon folNov. 25. lowed. The fleet of England bore over the waters her discomfited, but not dishonoured army; and the Atlantic rolled between her

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power and vengeance, and the liberated people now a free nation-lately her despised province. England's heart was subdued, but a mighty nation was born.

The soldiers had gone to their homes. The clang of arms was heard no more upon the continent; yet was there something which hung in silent disquiet on the minds of men. A great act of magnanimity was yet to be performed, that which history lingers over with most pride, and shall be one of its brightest examples, until history itself shall cease with time. No man however need doubt; for the act was to be performed by George Washington.

His journey to the last scene of his military career, was one of triumph and blessings. He scarcely delayed to receive the benedictions of his country, so anxious was he to surrender to her senators a command which he deemed incompatible with her new-born liberties. Two days before Christmas Day he laid down his power, closing, as he himself expressed it, "the military scene for ever."

America, now really free-free from anarchy and despotism-while she awoke to the greatness, awoke also to the difficulties of her destiny. Her debts, her neglected agriculture, her feeble resources, and imperfect constitution engaged the ability and energy of her best citizens. Our task is nearly done. The revolution is accomplished. To follow General Washington into his retire ment would be intrusion; but this volume can not close until it accompanies the petition of his country, now with a new constitution and

ameliorated circumstances, praying that he would honour her, by fulfilling the highest civil functions she had to bestow. He answered that call, as he answered her former prayer; and first in her councils sat the chief of her deliverers. His acceptance and address will be found in the Appendix.* No more remains to be said, savepardon it good reader-a fervent aspiration, that the institutions he blessed-one stain removed may endure everlastingly!

*No. 3.

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APPENDIX I.

DECLARATION

OF INDEPENDENCE OF THE
STATES OF AMERICA, JULY 4, 1776.

UNITED

WHEN in the course of human events it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth the separate and equal station to which the laws of nature and of nature's God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident :-that all men are created equal; that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable rights; that among these are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness; that to secure these rights, governments are instituted among men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed; and whenever any form of government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the right of the people to alter and abolish it, and to institute a new government; laying its foundation on such principles, and organising its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their safety and happiness. Prudence indeed will dictate, that governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shown, that mankind are more disposed to suffer while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed; but when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same object, evinces a design to reduce them under absolute despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to

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