Obrázky stránek
PDF
ePub

RHODE ISLAND.

Whereas this limited Government possesses no power to extend its jurisdiction over any foreign nation; and no foreign nation, country, or people, can be admitted into this Union but by the sovereign will and act of the free people of all and each of these United States; nor without the formation of a new compact of union, and another frame of government radically different in objects, principles and powers, from that which was framed for our own self-government, and deemed to be adequate to all the exigencies of our own free Republic: Therefore,

Resolved, That we have witnessed with deep concern the indications of a disposition to bring into this Union, as a constituent member thereof, the foreign province or territory of Texas.

Resolved, That although we are fully aware of the consequences which must follow the accomplishment of such a project, could it be accomplished-aware that it would lead speedily to the conquest and annexation of Mexico itself, and its fourteen remaining provin. ces or intendencies, which, together with the revolted province of Texas, would furnish foreign territories and foreign people for at least twenty members of the new Union. That it would load the nation with debt and taxes, and, by involving it in perpetual war and commotions, both foreign and internal, would furnish a pretence (which a state of war never fails to furnish) for the assumption and exercise of powers incompatible with our free republican institutions, and subversive of the liberties of the People. That the gov. ernment of a nation so extended and so constructed would soon be come radically changed in character, if not in form; would unavoidably become a military government, and, under the plea of necessity, would free itself from the restraints of the Constitution, and from its accountability of the People.

That we are fully aware of the deep degradation into which this young Republic would sink itself, in the eyes of the whole world, should it annex to its own vast territories other and foreign territories of immense though unknown extent, for the purpose of encouraging the propagation of slavery, and promoting the raising of slaves within its own bosom-the very bosom of freedom-to be exported and sold in those unhallowed regions. Although we are fully aware of these fearful evils, and numberless others which would come in their train, yet we do not here dwell upon them, because we are firm ly convinced that the free People of most, and we trust of all these States, will never suffer the admission of the foreign territory of Texas into this Union as a constituent member thereof; will never suf fer the integrity of this Republic to be violated, either by the introduction and addition to it of foreign nations or territories, one or many, or by the dismemberment of it by the transfer of any or more of its members to a foreign nation. The People will be aware, that, should one foreign State or country be introduced, another and another may be, without end, whether situated in South America, in the West India islands, or in any other part of the world; and that

a single foreign State thus admitted, might have in its power, by holding the balance between contending parties, wrest their own Government from the hands and control of the People by whom it was established for their own benefit and self-government. We are firmly convinced that the free People of these States will look upon any attempt to introduce the foreign territory of Texas, or any other foreign territory or nation, into this Union, as a constituent member or members thereof, as manifesting a willingness to prostrate the Constitution and dissolve the Union.

Resolved, That his excellency the Governor be requested to forward a copy of the foregoing resolutions to each of our Senators and Representatives in Congress, and to each of the Executives of the several States, with a request that the same may be laid before the respective Legislatures of said States.

66

A true copy-witness:

HENRY BOWEN, Sec. of State.

LEGISLATURE OF MICHIGAN.

Whereas propositions have been made for the annexation of Texas to the United States, with a view to its ultimate incorporation into the Union :

"And whereas the extension of this General Government over so large a country on the Southwest, between which and that of the original States there is little affinity, and less identity of interests, would tend, in the opinion of this Legislature, greatly to disturb the safe and harmonious operations of the Government of the United States, and put in imminent danger the continuance of this happy Union: Therefore,

"Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the State of Michigan, That in behalf, and in the name of, the State of Michigan, this Legislature doth hereby dissent from, and solemnly protest against, the annexation, for any purpose, to this Union, of Texas, or any territory or district of country heretofore constituting a part of the dominions of Spain in America, lying west or southwest of Louisiana."

TO THE PEOPLE OF THE FREE STATES OF THE UNION.

WE, the undersigned, in closing our duties to our constituents and our country, as members of the 27th Congress, feel bound to call your attention, very briefly, to the project long entertained by a portion of the people of these United States, still pertinaciously adher ed to, and intended soon to be consuminated-the annexation of Texas to the Union.

The open and repaeted enlistment of troops in several States of this Union in aid of the Texan revolution; the intrusion of an American army, by order of the President, far into the territory of the Mexican Government, at a moment critical to the fate of the in. surgents, under pretence of preventing Mexican soldiers from fo

menting Indian disturbances, but in reality in aid of, and acting in singular concert and coincidence with, the army of the revolution ists; the entire neglect of our Government to adopt any efficient measures to prevent the most unwarrantable aggressions of bodies of our own citizens, enlisted, organized, and officered within our own borders, and marched in arms and battle array upon the territory, and against the inhabitants of a friendly Government, in aid of freebooters and insurgents; and the premature recognition of the independence of Texas, by a snap vote, at the heel of a session of Congress, and that, too, at the very session when President Jackson had, by special message, insisted that "the measure would be contrary to the policy invariably observed by the United States, in all similar cases, would be marked with great injustice to Mexico, and peculiarly liable to the darkest suspicions, inasmuch as the Texans were almost all emigrants from the United States, and sought the recognition of their independence with the avowed purpose of obtaining their annexation to the United States;" these occurrences are too well known and too fresh in the memory of all to need more than a passing notice. These have become matters of history. For further evidence on all these and other important points, we refer to the memorable speech of John Quincy Adams, delivered in the House of Representatives during the morning hours of June and Ju. ly, 1838, and to his address to his constituents, delivered at Braintree, September 17, 1842.

The open avowal of the Texans themselves, the frequent and anx. ious negotiations of our own Government, the resolutions of various States of the Union, the numerous declarations of members of Congress, the tone of the Southern press, as well as the direct application of the Texan Government, make it impossible for any man to doubt that annexation and the formation of several new slaveholding States and the Executive of the nation.

The same references will show, very conclusively, that the particular objects of this new acquisition of slave territory were the perpetuation of slavery and the continued ascendancy of the slave

power.

We hold that there is not only "no political necessity" for it, "no advantages to be derived from it," but that there is no constitutional power delegated to any department of the National Government, to authorize it; that no act of Congress, or treaty for annexation, can impose the least obligation upon the several States of this Union to submit to such an unwarrantable act, or to receive into their family and fraternity such misbegotten and illegitimate progeny.

We hesitate not to say, that annexation, effected by any act or proceeding of the Federal Government, or any of its departments, would be identical with dissolution. It would be a violation of our national compact, its objects, designs, and the great elementary principles which entered into its formation, of a character so deep and fundamental, and would be an attempt to eternize an institution and a power of nature so unjust in themselves, so injurious to

the interests and abhorrent to the feelings of the people of the free States, as, in our opinion, not only inevitably to result in a dissolu. tion of the Union, but fully to justify it; and we not only assert that the people of the free States " ought not to submit to it," but we say, with confidence, they would not submit to it. We know their present temper and spirit on this subject too well to believe for a moment that they would become particeps criminis in any such subtle contrivance for the irremediable perpetuation of an institution which the wisest and best men who formed our Federal Constitution, as well from the slaves as the free States, regarded as an evil and a curse, soon to become extinct under the operation of laws to be passed prohibiting the slave-trade, and the progressive influ ence of the principles of the Revolution.

Washington, March 3, 1843.

JOHN QUINCY ADAMS,
SETH M. GATES,
WILLIAM SLADE,
WILLIAM B. CALHOUN,
JOSHUA R. GIDDINGS,
SHERLOCK J. ANDREWS,
NATHANIEL B. BORDEN,
THOS. C. CHITTENDEN,
JOHN MATTOCKS,
CHRISTOPHER MORGAN,
JOSHUA M. HOWARD,

VICTORY BIRDSEYE,

THOMAS A. TOMLINSON,

STALEY N. CLARK,

CHARLES HUDSON,

ARCHIBALD L. LINN,

THOMAS W. WILLIAMS,

TRUMAN SMITH,

DAVID BRONSON,

GEORGE N. BRIGGS.

THE TEXAN REVOLUTION, by Probus.-This is a pamphlet of 84 large octavo pages, and contains a very comprehensive account of that unparalleled outrage against the laws of Nature and of Nations. It exhibits the perfidy of the president-hospitality of the Mexicans, -pretexts of the revolution-the real causes-base scheme to annex it to U. S. at the next session of Congress, 1843-44-John Tyler, Cabinet and Co.-war of Texas and U. S. against Mexico and Great Britain-visitation and search, the slave trade and Cass-speech of John Quincy Adams-other presidents' proclamations of Neutrality. Sold at the National A. S. Standard, Office No. 143 Nassau Street, New-York; 25 cents single.

TO THE HON. THE CONGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA

IN SENATE AND HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES CONVENED: Your memorialists, inhabitants of the county of

and State of
That they are apprehensive that the project to annex Texas to the United States is not yet
totally abandoned, and they can imagine no measure that would be so fraught with dis-
grace to our national character, with detriment to our prosperity, and destruction to our still
existing confederacy.

That the irregular settlement or seizure of Texas by lawless adventurers and speculators,
their shameless prostration of the inalienable rights of man to life, liberty, and the pursuit
of happiness in a land where, by the Mexican constitution, human liberty had been per-
manently established, the singular and summary mode in which its nationality was recog-
nized, all forbid the thought of such an amalgamation.

[graphic]
« PředchozíPokračovat »