put them down, these melancholy realities will be the result. They will convulse this republic to its centre, and lay bare its massy foundations. Instead of conferring benefits upon the black race, whose exclusive champions they profess to be, they will stay, and perhaps forever, those meliorating causes which have been gradually exercising their influences for the last thirty years upon the condition of the slave population of this country, and will consign it to a necessary and inevitable condition of greater severity. Yes, sir, they may produce that deplorable condition by which their utter destruction may be necessary to secure the safety of this country. Was it ever yet known, in the history of mankind, that two distinct colors could coexist on terms of equal civil and political liberty? Sooner than this shall ever be realized, the one or the other will be exterminated.

When the abolitionists, in their Quixotic notions of general emancipation, press forward to their objects against the arrangements and the established order of things under the plan of Divine Providence, they censure the wisdom and virtue of our common ancestors, condemn the usages of the patriarchal ages, disregard the sanction of the Bible, and arraign the justice and wisdom

of God.

I feel assured that the virtuous, the considerate, the lovers of order, the supporters of the Union, and of life, liberty, and property, have made up a cool and deliberate judgment that northern people have nothing to do with the institutions of slavery in the South; that to attempt to interfere will eventuate in remediless injury to the black and to the white population, and that the end may be to destroy that beautiful fabric of Government which has for fifty years given unrivalled happiness and prosperity to this country, and which has produced, by successive actions, the happiest changes on every Government in Christendom. I have predicated my opinions and declarations, with regard to northern faith and northern patriotism in reference to slavery in the slaveholding States, upon my earliest convictions with regard to that enlightened and admirable portion of our common country; upon those historical recollections which made us one people; upon the declarations of gentlemen from every portion of the country, possessed of all the means necessary to enable them to give just views of public feeling and sentiment; upon the declara tions of the people in their primary meetings, contained in their deliberate resolves; upon the addresses and avowals of many of the best and wisest of the North; upon execu tive messages to different State Legislatures in the northern sections of the Union, and upon the unequivocal declara. tions and assurances of the great body of both branches of Congress. These are the grounds upon which I predicate my belief that, with the exception of the mere abolitionists, northern feeling and sentiment are perfectly safe, and that the moral and intellectual forces of the country will prevail, if southern folly and excitement do not prevent it, in prostrating northern folly and fanaticism.

Under these circumstances, and with these convictions, I call on the Congress of the United States, under deep and solemn feelings, to regard this question, which is most injuriously affecting the people of this country, and to unite, by some decisive act, to quiet and arrest the course which things are taking; for, if this agitating subject be not settled, and excitement and agitation shall be allowed here, then you will meet in this Capitol, sir, some one or two years hence, under such circumstances of feeling and of deep dissatisfaction as will endanger the safety and duration of this Union. I call upon members, from every section of this great and powerful confederation, under a just and proper sense of duty to the republic, to compromise differing opinions, and to give confidence

[FEB. 23, 1836.

and security to every section of this blessed and happy country. This Government was born under a lofty and enlightened spirit of compromise, and it cannot exist one year without it. Moderation, justice, and forbearance, are necessary and cardinal virtues in carrying on the great plans of self-government first conceived and exe. cuted by the conscript fathers of this country. All will be elemental war, unless wisdom, rather than pas sion, shall preside over the councils of the nation, in the management of the multifarious interests and endless concerns of this extensive and mighty country.

Mr. GALBRAITH demanded the previous question; which was seconded by the House: Ayes 104, noes 70. On the question, "Shall the main question be now put?"

Mr. GRANGER asked for the yeas and nays; which were ordered; and the question being taken, was deci ded in the affirmative: Yeas 123, nays 84, as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Adams, Chilton Allan, Banks, Barton, Bean, Beardsley, Beaumont, Bockee, Boon, Bovee, Boyd, Brown, Burns, Bynum, Cambreleng, Carr, Casey, George Chambers, Chaney, Chapin, Cleveland, Coffee, Connor, Craig, Cramer, Cushman, Davis, Deberry, Dickerson, Dickson, Doubleday, Dunlap, Efner, Fairfield, Farlin, French, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, Wil liam K. Fuller, Galbraith, Gillet, Grantland, Haley, Joseph Hall, Hiland Hall, Hamer, Harper, Samuel S. Harrison, Albert G. Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Henderson, Hiester, Holsey, Howard, Hubley, Huntington, Hunts. man, Ingham, William Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Janes, Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Kinnard, Lane, Lansing, Gideon Lee, Joshua Lee, Leonard, Logan, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Manning, Martin, John Y. Mason, Wm. Mason, Moses Mason, May, McKeon, McKim, McLene, Miller, Montgomery, Moore, Morgan, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parker, Parks, Patterson, D. J. Pearce, Phelps, Pinckney, John Reynolds Joseph Reyn olds, Roane, Rogers, Schenck, Seymour, Shinn, Sickles, Smith, Sprague, Sutherland, Taylor, Thomas, John Thomson, Toucey, Turrill, Vanderpoel, Wagener, Ward, Wardwell, Washington, Weeks, Sherrod Wil liams--123.

NATS-Messrs. Heman Allen, Ashley, Bailey, Bell, Bond, Bouldin, Briggs, Bunch, J. Calhoon, William B. Calhoun, Campbell, Carter, John Chambers, Chapman, Childs, Nathaniel H. Claiborne, Clark, Corwin, Crane, Cushing, Denny, Dromgoole, Evans, Everett, Forester, James Garland, Rice Garland, F. Granger, Grayson, Grennell, Griffin, Hammond, Hard, Hardin, Harlan, Hazeltine, Hoar, Howell, Ingersoll, Jenifer, Henry Johnson, J. W. Jones, Lawler, Lawrence, Lay, Luke Lea, Lincoln, Love, Loyall, Lyon, Samson Mason, Maury, McKay, McKennan, Milligan, Morris, Patton, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Peyton, Phillips, Potts, Reed, Rencher, Robertson, Russell, William B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Shields, Slade, Sloane, Span. gler, Standefer, Storer, Taliaferro, W. Thompson, Towns, Underwood, Vinton, Webster, White, Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Wise--84.

So the Honse determined that "the main question shall be now put."

The main question, which was "Shall the decision of the Chair stand as the judgment of the House?" was then taken, and decided in the negative, as follows: Yeas 56, nays 147.

YEAS--Messrs. Bouldin, Bunch, John Calhoon, William B. Calhoun, Campbell, Carter, John Chambers, Chapman, Childs, Nathaniel H. Claiborne, Cushing, Dickson, Dromgoole, Everett, James Garland, Rice Garland, Graham, Grayson, Griffin, Hamer, Hammond, Hardin, Hoar, Holsey, Huntsman, John W. Jones, Kinnard, Lawler, Luke Lea, Loyall, Lyon, Mar.

tin, John Y. Mason, Maury, McComas, McKay, McKim, Morgan, Parks, Patton, James A. Pearce, Pettigrew, Phillips, Potts, Reed, Roane, Robertson, William B. Shepard, Shields, Spangler, Stande fer, Taliaferro, W. Thompson, Towns, White, Wise--56.

NAYS--Messrs. Adams, Chilton Allan, Heman Allen, Ashley, Bailey, Banks, Barton, Bean, Beardsley, Beaumont, Bockee, Bond, Boon, Bovee, Boyd, Briggs, Brown, Burns, Bynum, Cambreleng, Carr, Casey, George Chambers, Chaney, Chapin, Clark, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Corwin Craig, Cramer, Crane, Cushman, Davis, Deberry, Denny, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dunlap, Efner, Fairfield, Farlin, French, Fry, Philo C. Fuller, William K. Fuller, Galbraith, Gillet, Granger, Grantland, Grennell, Haley, J. Hall, H. Hall, Hard, Harper Samuel S. Harrison, A. G. Harrison, Hawkins, Haynes, Hazeltine, Henderson, Hiester, Howard, Howell, Hubley, Huntington, Ingersoll, Ingham, William Jackson, Jabez Jackson, Janes, Jarvis, Jenifer, Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Benjamin Jones, Judson, Kennon, Kilgore, Lane, Lansing, Lawrence, Lay, Gideon Lee, Joshua Lee, Leonard, Lincoln, Logan, Love, Abijah Mann, Job Mann, Manning, William Mason, Moses Mason, Samson Mason, May, McKennan, McKeon, McLene, Miller, Milligan, Montgomery, Moore, Morris, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parker, Patterson, Dutee J. Pearce, Phelps, Pinckney, Rencher, John Reynolds, Joseph Reynolds, Rogers, Russell, Schenck, Seymour, Augustine H. Shep perd, Shino, Sickles, Slade, Sloane, Smith, Storer, Taylor, Thomas, John Thomson, Toucey, Turrill, Underwood, Vanderpoel, Vinton, Wagener, Ward, Wardwell, Washington, Webster, Weeks, Whittlesey, Lewis Williams, Sherrod Williams--147.

So the decision of the Chair was reversed, and the memorial presented by Mr. BRIGGS, which was the subject of the point of order, was thereby referred to the select committee on the subject of slavery within the District of Columbia.

The memorial presented by Mr. ADAMS this day, also, took the same reference.

Mr. LAWLER sent to the Chair certain instructions, which he desired to go to the same committee, and proposed that they be read; which was objected to; and after some conversation between the CHAIR and Mr. LAWLER, as to the right to offer those instructions, the House,

On motion of Mr. McKIM, at half past 4 o'clock, adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 24.
CONTESTED ELECTION.

Mr. BOYD, from the Committee of Elections, made a report in the case of the contested election of the honor. able JAMES GRAHAM, of North Carolina, which he moved be printed, together with the accompanying documents, and made the special order for Wednesday next.

[The majority of the committee reported adversely to the sitting member, and that Mr. David Newland was entitled to his seat.]

Mr. W. B. SHEPARD moved to postpone the further consideration of the subject until Wednesday three weeks.

Mr. BYNUM remarked that this contested election had been before Congress for nearly four months. If it be a fact that the present incumbent was not entitled to a seat on this floor, he had been there already a sufficient length of time, and it became them, as an act of justice to the people of that district, and of the State of North Carolina, to see that the contest should be settled as soon as possible, and that the legitimate Representative should take his seat. He hoped, therefore, that no

[H. OF R.

time would be lost in deciding on the question, more than was absolutely necessary to ascertain who was entitled to the seat. He thought one week was time enough to come to a correct understanding, and make a just and correct decision on the subject. He hoped the motion to postpone for three weeks would not prevail.

Mr. CLAIBORNE, of Virginia, felt very little interest, for his own part, as to the time assigned for the investigation of this matter; but he desired that justice should be done to both parties. The gentleman [Mr. BYNUM] had observed that the State of North Carolina, in this particular, had been long enough misrepresented. Mr. C. would inform the gentleman that the committee were divided as to who was entitled to the seat on this occasion, and that a counter report to the one presented that morning, exhibiting the case in an entirely different way, would be made as soon as the former should be disposed of. Mr. C's anxiety on the present occasion was not to smother this case in any way whatever, but to give a fair and full opportunity to every gentleman, disposed to go into it, to do so. It then became necessary to print both reports, and the whole of the testimony; upon the construction of some portion of which, it was readily and freely admitted that different views must of necessity be taken by different persons. The time first mentioned was, perhaps, too short; for it ought certainly to be long enough to permit the printing of both reports and the whole of the testimony, and to give an opportunity to the members of the House to examine it for themselves, and to compare it with the view taken of it by the different members of the committee.

Mr. A. H. SHEPPERD said that the present subject was a matter of interest not only to the House, but to the district immediately concerned, and also the State of North Carolina; and he regretted very much to hear the remarks which fell from his colleague upon this subject. He hoped the House would not enter into any other than the question, which of the candidates was entitled to the seat. There was a motion before the House that the documents be printed, and some days must elapse before the printing could be executed. He thought he understood, from the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. CLAIBORNE,] that another report was to be presented. Was it not, therefore, right that all this matter should be laid before the House? and that could not be done hastily. It had been intimated to him that one of the parties in the contested election wanted time to make out the question, and prepare the evidence of his being entitled to a seat. Would it not, therefore, be better to make the simple order for printing the documents, and let them have a few days to determine whether it might not be necessary to recommit the subject, to hear other testimony? Let the matter be amply, discreetly, and dis. passionately considered, and decided by the facts of the

case.

Mr. HARDIN thought that all the members of the House ought to be acquainted with the subject, so as to enable them to decide understandingly. He had cast his eye on the report, and he very much doubted whether it could be printed before next Tuesday or Wednesday; therefere, to take it up at that time would most certainly be too soon. The decision was to be made from an investigation into the laws of North Carolina, of which laws few knew any thing, but the members from that State; and time must be had to examine those laws after the documents were printed. Gentlemen well knew the trouble and embarrassment experienced in the case of the Moore and Letcher contested election. Although he was intimately acquainted with the laws in that case, he must say that he never met with any thing which gave him more embarrassment than to apply those laws. Whether the district was misrepresented or not, he

could not determine; but the the presumption was, that the gentleman who had obtained a certificate of election was entitled to the seat. Yet there was a probability that he might not be entitled to it. He was satisfied that Wednesday was too short a time, although three weeks might be too long. In relation to having a law. yer come before the House, to plead the cause of either of the gentlemen, he must protest against it. He could never consent to have a lawyer come there, who was not a member of Congress.

Mr. GRAHAM (the sitting member) presented a written communication to the House, in reference to the subject; which, by unanimous consent, was read, and orIdered to be printed.

Mr. HARD moved to recommit the report to the same committee, with instructions to give time, for the purpose of taking further evidence, until the 1st day of April next.

The CHAIR remarked that the motion to postpone took precedence; but, when it was disposed of, the motion of the gentleman from New York could be entertained.

Mr. BELL said, as he understood the rules, the mo tion to recommit had precedence of the motion to postpone.

The CHAIR decided that the motion to postpone took precedence.

Mr. BELL then appealed from the decision of the Chair, but subsequently withdrew the appeal.

Mr. B. said it was of great importance that the rules of the House should be correctly understood. All men of experience must know that important questions were often carried by their having a priority over other questions. It was unfortunate that the question had not been brought up earlier in the session; but he did not mean to enter into the merits of the question now. He had, however, a word or two to say on the subject of its being made the order of the day for this day week. Here was a proposition to make the present question the order of the day for Wednesday next. They had already a standing order to proceed at the hour of one o'clock to the consideration of the appropriation bills; and on yes. terday a gentleman from New York [Mr. BEARDSLEY] had said that the resolution had precisely the same effect as the standing rules of the House. That measure was adopted for great and wise considerations. The reasons urged in its favor were that the appropriation bills must be disposed of speedily.

The hour of one having arrived, Mr. BELL's remarks were arrested by the annunciation of the special orders of the day.

Mr. BOYD asked the unanimous consent of the House to submit a motion for the printing of the report of the Committee of Elections; which was agreed to; when

Mr. CLAIBORNE, of Virginia, from the minority of the committee, made a counter report; which was also ordered to be printed.

Mr. ABIJAH MANN moved to suspend the rules, for the purpose of calling the States for petitions; which was negatived: Yeas 113, nays 58-two thirds being ne. cessary.

SUFFERERS BY FIRE IN NEW YORK.

Mr. CAMBRELENG moved that the special order be postponed, for the purpose of proceeding with the consideration of the bill for the relief of the sufferers by the fire in the city of New York; agreed to: Ayes 120,

noes 41.

[FEB. 24, 1836.

"SEC. 2. And be it further enacled, That the collector of the port of New York is hereby authorized and di rected to extend the payment, in the manner prescribed in the first section of this act, of all other bonds given for duties at the port of New York, prior to the late fire, and not provided for in the first section, as aforesaid, for six, nine, and twelve months, from and after the day of payment specified in the bonds: Provided, however, That nothing contained in this act shall extend to bonds which had fallen due before the seventeenth day of De cember last."

Mr. CAMBRELENG explained that, under this sec. tion, about $2,700,000 would be included; that of this amount two millions have already fallen due, and that the prosecution of these bonds, at this time, would prob. ably cost the Government between one and two hun. dred thousand dollars. That by extending the interest the Government would gain eighty thousand dollars in interest, which would otherwise be lost; for if the mo. ney could be collected at once, it would remain in the deposite banks without interest, in addition to the risk of losing a large portion of the principal by attempting to enforce immediate payment of the bonds.

Mr. WILLIAMS, of Kentucky, opposed the section at length, and maintained that the bill provided for the loan of the public money, to the merchants in New York and elsewhere, to the amount of two millions seven hundred thousand dollars. One argument of the gentleman he could not assent to the force of, viz: that the public money would remain in the deposite banks without in terest. He was opposed to their having the use of any of the public money without paying for it. He again recurred to his argument, that the provisions of the sec ond section were an effectual loan, and said it was very doubtful whether the Government had the constitu tional power to loan out the public money in the way proposed. The bill was also objectionable to him in another point of view, by drawing a distinction between those who had lost to the amount of one thousand dollars, and those who had lost less, thereby bestowing its advan tages upon those who possessed most and had been most fortunate, leaving the poor and needy altogether unpro vided for. In reply to the gentleman from Ohio, [Mr. STORER,] he denied that the mercantile interest of the West would be benefited by this bill. There was no provision in the bill giving the western merchants any indulgence under it, nor had any pledge been given, or any understanding held out, that they would be indul. ged by the merchants of New York. He was at a loss to see wherein lay the claims of New York over any other section of country; and yet the bill was exclusively for the relief of that city.

Mr. HOWARD said that, although friendly to the bill, he had refrained from taking any part in the discussion, from an apprehension that the measure of relief might be endangered by consuming too much time in the debate; but he felt that he had a duty to perform towards those whom he had the honor of representing, by expressing very briefly what he believed to be their opinion upon the bill. He hoped, therefore, that the friends of the measure and the House would excuse him for trespassing upon a few moments of their time and patience. It had been said in the course of the debate, and not contradicted, that the meetings which were held in the commercial cities, to express public opinion, were the result of management originating in New York. As far as Baltimore was concerned, he undertook to say that the meeting was the spontaneous impulse of sympa thy, and that it occurred before the ashes in New York had cooled; and every one knew that the firemen of of Philadelphia had hastened with such alacrity to the assistance of their friends, that they aided in the extinguishment of the fire itself. There was another point