the chagrin would be universal, and would shake under your feet the high ground on which you stand with the public. For on the event of this mission may depend the future destinies of this republic. If we cannot, by a purchase of the country, insure to ourselves a course of perpetual peace and friendship with all nations, then, as war cannot be distant, it behooves us immediately to be preparing for that course, without, however, hastening it; and it may be necessary, on your failure on the continent, to cross the channel. We shall get entangled in European politics, and figuring more, be much less happy and prosperous. This can only be prevented by a successful issue to your present mission I am sensible after the measures you have taken for getting into a different line of business, that it will be a great sacrifice on your part, and presents from the season and other circumstances, serious difficulties. But some men are born for the public. Nature, by fitting them for the service of the human race on a broad scale, has stamped them with the evidences of her destination and their duty.'

The personal agency of Mr Jefferson in this achievement was of the most laborious character. In addition to his official instructions communicated through the secretary of State, his private letters to our ministers, and to influential characters in France, on whose fidelity and friendship he relied, are ample testimonials of his ardor and indefatigableness in the prosecution of the enterprize. Among these, is the following, addressed to Mr. Livingston.

"The cession of Louisiana and the Floridas by Spain to France, works most sorely on the United States. Or this subject the secretary of State has written to you fully, yet I cannot forbear recurring to it personally, so deep is the impression it makes on my mind. It completely reverses all the political relations of the United

sincere desire to remain in peace ; but with orders to protect our commerce, at all hazards, against the threatened attack. The Bey had already declared war in form. His cruisers were out; two had arrived at Gibraltar. Our commerce in the Mediterranean was blockaded; and that of the Atlantic in peril. The arrival of the American squadron dispelled the danger. One of the Tripolitan cruisers having fallen in with and engaged a small schooner of ours, which had gone out as a tender to the larger vessels, was captured with a heavy slaughter of her men, and without the loss of a single one on our part. This severe chastisement, with the extraordinary skill and bravery displayed by the Americans, quieted the pretensions of the Bey, and operated as a caution in future to that desperate community of freebooters.

On the 8th of December, 1801, Mr Jefferson made his first annual communication to Congress, by message. It had been the uniform practice with his predecessors to make their first communications on the opening of Congress, by personal address, to which a formal answer was immediately returned by each house separately. The president always used to go in state, as it was called, to deliver his speech. He moved to the capitol, preceded by the marshal and constables of the district, with their white staffs, and accompanied by the heads of departments, the members of Congress, and a numerous procession of citizens. On these occasions he always wore his sword. A desire to impart a more popular character to the government by divesting it of a ceremonial which partook in some degree of the character of a royal pageant, a regard to the convenience of the legis lature, the economy of their time, and relief from the embarrassments of immediate answers, induced Mr Jefferson to adopt the mode of communication by message, to which no answer was returned. And his example has been followed by all succeeding presidents.

The president announced in his message that the cessation of hostilities in Europe had produced a consequent cessation of those irregularities which had afflicted the commerce of neutral nations; and restored the ordinary communications of peace and friendship between the principal powers of the earth. That our intercourse with the Indians on our frontiers, was marked by a spirit of mutual conciliation and forbearance, highly advantageous to both parties. That our relations with the Barbary States were in a less satisfactory condition, and such as to inspire the belief that measures of offence ought to be authorized, sufficient to place our force on an equal footing with that of its adversaries. That the increase of population within the last ten years, as indicated by the late census, proceeded in such an unexampled ratio as promised a duplication every twenty-two years. That this circumstance, combined with others, had produced an augmentation of revenue which proceeded in a ratio far beyond that of population, and authorized a reduction of such of its branches as were particularly odious and oppressive.

Accordingly he recommended the abolition of all the internal taxes, comprehending excises, stamps, auctions, licences carriages, and refined sugars; to which he added the postage of newspapers to facilitate the progress of information. The remaining sources of revenue, aided by the extensive system of economy which he proposed to introduce, would be sufficient, he contended, to provide for the support of government, to pay the interest of the public debt, and to discharge the principal in a shorter period than the laws or the general expectation had contemplated.

As supplemental, however, to the proposition for discontinuing the internal taxes, he recommended a diminution of the public disbursements, by the abolition of all superfluous drafts upon the treasury. He informed the legislature of the progress he had already made in

this department of public duty, by the suppression of all unnecessary offices, agencies and missions, which depended on executive authority; and recommended to their consideration a careful revision of the remainder, 'Considering,' says he, 'the general tendency to multiply offices and dependencies, and to increase expense to the ultimate term of burthen which the citizen can bear, it behooves us to avail ourselves of every occasion which presents itself, for taking off the surcharge; that it never may be seen how that, after leaving to labor the smallest portion of its earnings on which it can subsist, government shall itself consume the residue of what it was instituted to guard.'

In order to multiply barriers against the dissipation of the public money, he recommended Congress to establish the practice of specific appropriations, in all cases susceptible of definition; to reduce the undefined field of contingencies; and to bring back to a single department for examination and approval, all accountabilities for receipts and expenditures.

He directed the attention of Congress to the army, and advised the reduction of the existing establishment to the number of garrisons actually necessary, and the number of men requisite for each garrison. A standing army in time of peace was both unnecessary and dangerous. The militia was the main pillar of defence to the country, and the only force which could be ready at every point to repel invasion, until regulars could be provided to relieve them. This consideration rendered important a careful review, at every session, of the existing organization of the militia, and the amendment of such defects as from time to time might show themselves in the system, until it should be made sufficiently perfect. Nor should we now,' said he, or at any time separate, until we can say we have done every thing for the militia which we could do were an enemy at our door.'

With respect to the navy, although a difference of opin

ion might exist as to the extent to which it should be carried, yet all would agree that a small force was continually wanted for actual service in the Mediterranean. All naval preparations beyond this, the president thought, should be confined to the provision of such articles as might be kept without waste or consumption, and be in readiness for any exigence which might occur.

The president was of opinion, that agriculture, manufactures, commerce and navigation, were most disposed to thrive when left most free to individual enterprise. Protection from casual embarrassments, however, might sometimes be seasonably interposed; and was clearly within the constitutional limits of Congress.

He submitted to the serious consideration of the legislature the judiciary system of the United States, and suggested the expediency of rescinding that branch of it, recently erected, should it appear on examination to be superfluous, of which he entertained no doubt. While on the subject of the judiciary, he commended to their protection the inestimable institution of juries,' urging the propriety of their extension to all cases involving the security of our persons or property, and the necessity of their impartial selection.

The president warmly recommended a revisal of the laws on the subject of naturalization, and an abbreviation of the period prescribed for acquiring citizenship. The existing regulation, requiring a residence of fourteen years, was a denial of citizenship to a great proportion of those who asked it, obstructing the prosperous growth of the country, and incompatible with the humane spirit of our laws.

After commending to them prudence and temperance in discussion, which were so conducive to harmony and rational deliberation within their own walls, and to that consolidation of sentiment among their constituents which was so happily increasing, the president concluded as follows: That all should be satisfied with any one or