464 Federal concentration at Washington [1861 (4) BULL RUN Washington City, in the District of Columbia, lies on the Potomac river between the States of Maryland and Virginia. The insurrectionary incidents, which occurred during the week following the Sumter bombardment (April,1861), interrupted for a few days all communication either by rail, post or telegraph with the loyal States of the Union. The danger to which the capital was exposed naturally caused the concentration, for its defence, of the largest part of the three-months' militia first called out by President Lincoln. Had the insurrection been prepared with organised forces and a matured plan, the city might indeed have been captured, as a member of Jefferson Davis' Cabinet predicted it would be. An attack was loudly urged by the more impulsive and sanguine leaders; but General Lee discouraged the idea, and busied himself with strenuous efforts to mobilise the forces of Virginia and to make defensive preparations. He established a camp of instruction at Harper's Ferry, and another at Manassas, a railroad junction thirty-five miles south-west of Washington, a strategical point between that city and Richmond, favourably situated for receiving help from or rendering aid to Harper's Ferry. Meanwhile, since the arrival of the New York 7th on April 25, Washington had been entirely secure and was rapidly filling with Federal troops. On May 24 a strong detachment crossed the Potomac, occupied the neighbouring town of Alexandria, and began the erection of a chain of forts and entrenchments some eighteen miles in length on the Virginia side, while a complementary system of fortification was also rapidly completed on the Maryland side of the city, rendering the national capital practically impregnable against hostile attack when properly manned. By this time a strong garrison had been gathered in and near Fortress Monroe, the command of which was taken over by General B. F. Butler; while the bulk of the Pennsylvania quota, with the regiments from other States, was organised under the command of General Robert Patterson, and prepared for a campaign against Harper's Ferry. The popular mind in the loyal States had been greatly inflamed by the quick succession of reverses which attended the beginning of the struggle the loss of Sumter, of Harper's Ferry, and of the Norfolk Navy Yard; the Baltimore massacre; the isolation of the capital; the assassination of Colonel Ellsworth when Alexandria was occupied. To this series of untoward incidents were soon added two others, one occurring on June 17, at alittle station called Vienna, near Washington, where two cars filled with troops were incautiously run under fire of a passing Confederate battery; and another on June 10, at Big Bethel, near Fortress Monroe, where a badly ordered attempt to dislodge a rebel battery 1861] Federal advance to Manassas 465 by a night-march was defeated. In these cases, as before, the losses were relatively trifling, but they had an exasperating effect on public opinion, still hot with indignation over the Sumter bombardment. Unjust criticism and imprudent clamour for energy, for action, for an advance, began to pour in on the Administration, which was indeed. quite as solicitous as the public in this behalf, since the authorities plainly saw that the three-months' term of enlistment of the seventyfive militia regiments was rapidly running out. On June 29 President Lincoln called his Cabinet and principal military officers to a council of war at the Executive Mansion. A crisis had been reached in which political conditions seemed imperatively to require a vigorous military demonstration against the rebellion. General Scott, with his great professional knowledge and experience, deemed such a course injudicious and premature. Nevertheless, he gracefully withdrew his objection, and gave his earnest co-operation and valuable judgment to the elaboration of a plan of campaign, drawn up by Brigadier-General Irvin McDowell, against the Confederate army at Manassas. That army, under the command of General G. T. Beauregard, who had won much public applause throughout the South by his conduct of the siege of Fort Sumter, was now estimated at 25,000 men, though it was actually only 22,000 strong. McDowell proposed to advance with a force of 30,000 and to attack the main Confederate position. The principal danger in this plan was that the other Confederate army near Harper's Ferry, numbering ten to twelve thousand effectives under command of General J. E. Johnston, might, either by means of available railroad transport, or even a rapid march, succeed in forming a junction with Beauregard, thus conferring numerical superiority on the defence. It seemed, however, quite possible to prevent such a junction. General Robert Patterson, at the head of seventeen Federal regiments, had advanced against Harper's Ferry, and, finding it evacuated, crossed the Potomac on June 16, though he soon again retired to the Maryland side because a portion of his force had been withdrawn from him. Being again strengthened, he once more moved across the Potomac on July 2, and advancing, took position at Martinsburg, the enemy having retired to Winchester. When, therefore, McDowell stated to the council that he could not undertake to meet all the rebel forces together, General Scott assured him, "If Johnston joins Beauregard he shall have Patterson on his heels," and sent orders intended to insure that result. McDowell started on his expedition on July 16, with a marching force of 28,000 men, 49 guns, and one regiment of cavalry. The rebels had some slight fieldworks at Manassas, armed with 15 heavy guns and garrisoned by 2000 men. Beauregard's main army was posted along the south bank of a stream called Bull Run, that flows in a south-easterly direction three miles east of Manassas. His line was about eight miles C. M. H. VII. 30 466 Defeat of the Federals at Bull Run [1861 in length, his force having been increased to over 23,000 men with 35 guns. By an unopposed but rather slow march, McDowell reached the village of Centerville, opposite the enemy, on the 20th, and on the following day, Sunday, July 21, crossing Bull Run by a circuitous march, attacked the enemy's left flank. Until noon he drove the Confederates before him; and had General Scott's promise been fulfilled, would have secured an easy victory. The usual dispute exists whether or not Patterson, in the Shenandoah valley, obeyed orders, but the exact fact remains that he neither attacked nor strongly threatened, and that on the 18th Johnston marched away from him, with 9000 effectives, and got them safely into Beauregard's camp behind Bull Run on the afternoon of the 21st, increasing the Confederate forces (at the close of the fight) to a total of 32,000 men with 57 guns. When therefore McDowell resumed his attack in the afternoon, his advance was checked; and about four o'clock seven fresh rebel regiments suddenly came out of the woods from the direction of the Manassas railroad station, against the Union right flank. At this heavy onset from an unexpected quarter, the Union soldiers gave up the fight, and half marched, half ran from the field, convinced that Johnston's army had at length arrived, and not knowing that they had been fighting a portion of it all day. The Confederates were as much surprised as their foes at their sudden victory. There was little pursuit. The vanquished regiments hurried to Centerville, sweeping the reserves back with them in a general retreat upon Washington. The losses, nearly equal on both sides, attest the common valour of the raw troops which for the first time met in battle. The official reports show a loss to the Union side of 25 guns, 460 killed and 2436 wounded and missing; on the Confederate side, 387 killed, 1582 wounded, and a few prisoners. General Sherman, who commanded a brigade in it, says, "It was one of the best planned battles of the war, but one of the worst fought." General Johnston says, "If the tactics of the Federals had been equal to their strategy, we should have been beaten." The Confederate victory at Bull Run produced throughout the South a feeling of wild exultation, and full confidence in its ability to achieve ultimate independence. To the North, on the contrary, the Union defeat was a bitter disappointment and a deep humiliation. The newspaper reports of the battle greatly exaggerated the disaster, representing it as an unmitigated panic and rout. What there was of panic had occurred among the fringe of teamsters and camp-followers at the rear. It was this which came under the personal notice of the newspaper correspondents, and gave colour to their whole recital of the day's events. In reality most of the regiments returned to the forts before Washington in reasonably good order, though, as always happens, there were many stragglers; and these, drifting in confusion through the national capital 1861] Consequences of the defeat 467 on the following day, created there also the impression of widespread demoralisation. To the Lincoln Administration, as well as to Congress, which had met in special session on the 4th of July, the result of the battle was naturally a painful surprise. General Scott had confidently expected victory, and his preparations and orders had indeed provided for one. But for the failure of Patterson to hold Johnston at Winchester, the result would have been different. Congress was deeply agitated by the disaster. Several members went to the front to witness the battle, and one of them, being taken prisoner, paid for his curiosity by some months of military imprisonment at Richmond. The discussions which took place in both Houses developed much harsh comment and criticism; and the event laid the foundation for that partisan opposition from Democratic members, and indeed from the bulk of that party, with many noble exceptions, which grew in intensity and gave much annoyance, and even occasional grave embarrassment, to the Administration of President Lincoln throughout the remainder of the war. On the whole, however, the defeat at Bull Run had the effect of increasing and deepening the zeal, courage, and determination of the Administration, the Congress, the army, and the country. The first thing done was to call General McClellan to Washington, where his pre-eminent skill as an organiser in a few days cleared the city of stragglers, and restored system and order to every department of military management. The three-months' militia regiments were mustered out of service; and out of the new regiments of three-years' volunteers which were pouring into the capital, his methodical supervision organised that body of American soldiers destined to become famous as the Army of the Potomac. McClellan was received with great cordiality and warm friendship by the President and Cabinet, by General Scott, by officials and dignitaries of all grades, and especially by the army and the public. He had youth, enthusiasm, industry, and a winning personality. Besides he was the victor of Rich Mountain, so far the only Unionist success. He received not only every attention, but every assistance in his task, and over-eager public opinion prematurely imagined him the coming hero. He was astounded at the power and consideration accorded him. "I find myself in a new and strange position here," he wrote, "President, Cabinet, General Scott and all deferring to me. By some strange operation of magic, I seem to have become the power of the land." Three days later he wrote, "They give me my way in everything, full swing, and unbounded confidence." The excessive gifts which fortune had bestowed on him proved fatal to his usefulness and fame. His astonishment lapsed at once into an inordinate self-esteem. He accepted his honours as already won, and repaid the confidence of his superiors with ill-concealed arrogance. His 468 McClellan the Federal General-in-Chief [1861 demeanour towards his illustrious chief, General Scott, quickly ran from indifference to neglect, and from neglect to defiance of his military authority and the ignoring of his orders. In his private correspondence he spoke contemptuously of the President, called the Cabinet" "geese," and avowed that he was "disgusted with this Administration-perfectly sick of it." He represented himself as "called upon to save the country,' and announced, "I would cheerfully take the dictatorship and agree to lay down my life when the country is saved." He regarded the Army of the Potomac as his own, claiming for it all the best troops, the most experienced officers, and the newest arms. The favours he could bestow quickly gathered about him a circle of flatterers; and he became the idol alike of the Potomac camps and the Washington drawing-rooms, while newspaper correspondents fulsomely dubbed him the Young Napoleon. This undercurrent of colossal vanity and these dictatorial dreams were unsuspected at the moment. They only came fully to light in his autobiography and letters, published after his death, and serve to explain at once the melancholy weakness of his character, and the source of his military failure. The deplorable change did not escape the keen observation of the President; but the General's assumptions were tolerated, and even his whims indulged, in the hope that his brilliant professional accomplishments might be turned to the public service. On November 1 General Scott, at his own request, was relieved, and McClellan put in his place as General-in-Chief. This gave him control of all the forces of the Union, with an army of nearly 125,000 effectives under his immediate personal command, organised, drilled, armed, and supplied with a thoroughness of detail, a quality of material, and an average ability of subordinate command only excelled in the most advanced military nations. Opposed to the Unionist army there lay around the battle-field of Bull Run the Confederate army under Johnston, with an effective force of less than 50,000 men. Its officers and the Richmond authorities had during the autumn planned several offensive movements, only however to postpone or reject them for want of what they considered adequate force, which with all their revolutionary enterprise they could not bring together without too much exposing other points. President Lincoln had long hoped for some effective movement against the Confederacy from the army under McClellan's command; and that officer frequently hinted at the great things he intended to do with it. At first he gave the Administration to understand that General Scott was in his way; and, after his retirement, answered the President's suggestions with an alternation of promises and excuses. With a superiority of three to one over the enemy in his immediate front, he allowed the propitious season to wear away. Towards the end of October, he ordered a reconnaissance on the upper Potomac, which |