*

Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the name, and by authority of the good people of these states, reject and renounce all allegiance and subjection to the kings of Great Britain, and all others who may hereafter claim by, through, or under them; we utterly dissolve all political connexion which may heretofore have subsisted between us and the Parliament or people of Great Britain; and, finally, we do assert the colonies to be free and independent states, and that, as free and independent states, they have full power to levy war, conclude peace, contract alliances, establish commerce, and to do all other acts and things which independent states may of right do. And, for the support of this declaration, we mutually pledge to each other our lives, our fortunes, and our sacred honour.

* Colonies.

NUMBER VI.

General C. Lee's Letter to Earl Percy, when the latter was enclosed with the British Army in Boston, 1775.

MY LORD-Were your lordship only a common colonel of a regiment, certainly I should not have given myself the trouble of writing, nor you the trouble of reading this; but as you hold so high a rank, and wiH, one day, hold a still higher, I conceive it will not be improper to address you. And, in some measure, to apologize for my seeming want of respect, as I have not waited on the general, for reasons which he cannot, I think, disapprove, I was not certain whether you might, in your military capacity, consider my visit as proper: but, as you are not merely a soldier, but a citizen of the first class and importance, from your illustrious family and fashion, your vast property, and being destined by birth to be a counsellor of the nation, I think some explanation of my conduct, not only proper, but necessary: and I flatter myself, that some time or other, your lordship will not simply approve my conduct, but become a friend to the same cause. My lord, I will venture to say, it is the cause of Great Britain as well as of America: it is the cause of mankind. Were the principle of taxing América without their consent, admitted, Great Brttain would that instant be ruined. The pecuniary influence of the crown, and the army of placemen and pensioners, would be so increased, that all opposition to the most iniquitous measures of the most iniquitous ministers, would be forever borne down. Your lordship, I am sure, must be sensible, that the pecuniary influence is already enormously too great, and that a very wicked use is made of it. On these principles, every good Englishman, abstracted from any particular regard for America, must oppose her being taxed by the Parliament of Great Britain, or more properly by the first lord of the treasury: for in fact, the parliament and treasury, have of late years, been one and the same thing. But, my lord, I have besides, a very particular regard for America; I was long among them, and I know them to be the most loyal, affectionate, zealous subjects of the whole empire. General Gage himself, must acknowledge the truth of what I

VOL. I.-Nn

advance he was witness through the course of the last war, of their zeal, their ardour, their enthusiasm, for whatever concerned the welfare, the interest, and the honour of the mother country. When I see, therefore, the extreme of calamities, attempted to be brought down upon such a people, by the intrigues of such a couple of scoundrels as Bernard and Hutchinson; when I see a minister, violent and tyrannical, like North, mowing down whole communities, merely to indulge his hereditary hatred to liberty, and those who are attached to her, I think it the duty of every honest man and friend to humanity, to exert his utmost to defeat the diabolical purpose. That these people have been totally misrepresented at home; that they have been most unjustly and cruelly treated, your lordship will, I make no doubt, be sooner or later convinced; but as from your present situation, and many circumstances, you will not probably fall into the way of truth so soon as I could wish, I beg leave to recommend to your perusal, a sort of pamphlet, lately sent from England: it is entitled, "A true state of the proceedings in the Parliament of Great Britain, and in the province of the Massachusetts Bay." Mr.. ... will furnish your lordship with it, if you will make use of my name it is a fair and candid relation of the whole process, from beginning to end. When your lordship has read it, you will be struck with compassion and horror, and I have great hopes, will become a not less warm, but more powerful friend, of this much injured country, than myself. I take the liberty of recommending this method to your lordship, as it is impossible you should gather any thing but misinformation from the men, who, I find, surround head quarters. The Sewell's and Paxton's, are not only interested to misrepresent and calumniate, but to exterminate their country: there is no medium: their country must perish, or they meet with the deserts of impious parricides. It was the misfortune of General Gage, from the beginning, to fall into such hands as these; had he not been deluded by men of this stamp, we should never have seen him acting in a capacity so incompatible with the excellence of his natural disposition. I must now, my lord, entreat, that as fools and knaves, will, from misunderstanding and malice, probably disfigure my conduct, you will not suffer them to make any wrong impressions; that you will be persuaded that I act not from pique or disappointment, which I conclude, will be insinuated, but from principle. I think, my lord, an English soldier owes a very great degree of reverence to the king, as first magistrate, and third branch of the Jegislature, called to this mighty station by the voice of the

people but I think he owes still a greater degree to the rights and liberties of his country: I think his country is every part of the empire; that in whatever part of the empire á flagitious minister manifestly invades these rights and liberties, whether in Great Britain, Ireland, or America, every Englishman, soldier or not soldier, ought to consider their cause as his own. And that the rights and liberties of this country are invaded, every man who has eyes, and is not determined to keep them shut, must see. These, my lord, are' my principles; from these, I swear by all that's sacred and tremendous, I purely and solely act; and these, I hope, will rather serve, than prejudice me, in your lordship's opinion. I flatter myself still further, I flatter myself that you, my lord, before long, will adopt them: that you will, at least, in your letters to your father, whom I have been always taught to esteem as an honest man and a friend to humanity, endeavour to undeceive the people at home, if the delusion is not too strong. I can venture to affirm, that you will feel some consolation amidst the calamities ready to fall upon your country, in the reflection that you have attempted to avert them. I shall now finish, my lord, with entreating, that if any thing appears impertinent, either in the matter or length of this letter, you will attribute it to an intemperate zeal in an honest cause; and that you will be assured, I should not have addressed it to a man, of whom I entertained an unfavourable opinion.

I am your obedient servant,

CHARLES LEE..

NUMBER VII.

Letter from a Committee of Congress to General Washington.

PHILADELPHIA, April 10, 1777.

SIR-In obedience to an order of Congress, we inform your excellency of the reasons and principles that have governed Congress in their resolution for forming a camp on the west side of Delaware. The repeated information that hath been received of the enemy's movements, and it being the opinion of your excellency, as well as of many other General Officers, that this city was the object of such movements, rendered it proper that means should be fallen upon to prevent the success of such a design, as well to guard against the bad impression that it would certainly have on the affairs of America in general, as to give security to the valuable stores, here collected, and which cannot speedily be removed. It has been considered, that if the real object of the enemy should be this city, the troops are here well fixed, and it will be an encouraging place of resort to the militia of this state, in their present unfixed condition, being between their old plan of association, and their new but yet unexecuted law. On the other hand, should the design of the enemy be upon Hudson river, or more eastward, the troops here may with ease reach that river before their's, now at head quarters, can have all crossed it. But another consideration remains, and that is, should the enemy propose to remain in Jersey to attack your army, or should your excellency mean to make a decisive impression on them when your numbers are sufficient, in either of these suppositions, the troops ought not to be here. In the whole of this business, Congress mean not in any manner, to interfere with the designs, or to counteract the judgment of your excellency, but wish you freely to call up to head quarters, all, or any part of the troops encamped here, as you shall please. It is not supposed that this will occasion any delay, and will certainly prevent the injuries that would be derived to the troops, as well in health as discipline, from their entering and remaining any time in this city.

We have the honour to be, &c.