She wants Andrianople and the EnosMidia of Eastern Thrace, which territory was won by her in the Balkan war and allotted to her both by her allies and the Peace Congress of London. She wants the Bulgarian territory of Dobrudja, which was taken from her by Rumania at the close of the second Balkan war. Then she wants Serbian Macedonia, and finally a portion of Greek Macedonia. Giving Bulgaria what she wants, she becomes the predominant Balkan power unless her neighbors increase their territories correspondingly. It goes without saying that the principle of nationality claimed by Bulgaria in support of her aspirations is not strictly applied either in Thrace or in the whole of Serbian Macedonia, to say nothing of the Greek Macedonia. Bulgaria wants too much, but may be induced to accept less. But even supposing that the Allies are bent on satisfying all of her demands, let us examine how this will be done.

It has been said that Russia, once master of Constantinople, will not agree to the giving up to Bulgaria of the Enos-Midia line because she may want that territory as an additional hinterland to Byzantium. How much of this is true we do not know, but the story has appeared in the foremost Slav review of Petrograd, duly passed by the censor. Rumania, in order to return

Dobrudja to Bulgaria, wants all of the seven Rumanian Provinces of Austria, but, then, Russia wants Transylvania for herself, therefore Rumania gives nothing to Bulgaria.

Serbia is not willing to cede her Macedonia unless she gets a part of the Albanian littoral on the Adriatic, or, if not that, at least Dalmatia. Italy wants both places for herself. Greece wants those territories of Asia Minor where the overwhelming majority is Greek; this territory ought to be substantial, inasmuch as Greece loses valuable ground in Macedonia. It seems that the Entente powers want the best part of Asia Minor for themselves, while Italy and England keep the islands of the Archipelago, which never ceased to be Greek in population, in spirit, and in history.

In view of the eventual reconstruction of the Balkan Alliance, the above-mentioned factors must not be underestimated. Of course, a Balkan league with two million splendid soldiers can do away with the Turk, can open the strait, and permit Russia to get all the ammunition she needs; can strike at Austria, and end the war in a magnificent victory for the allied cause, which is the cause of humanity. But in order to have the Balkans fight for justice and liberty justice must be done to them and liberty given them.

She looks from out the centuries
Across her own Aegean main.
As deep, as violet, throb her eyes
Lit up for Freedom once again:-
The Muse for whom her poets bled,

Whom passionate Byron crowned anew, On whose loved shores the undying dead Received him-ere the sword he drew.

Ah! Can she stay on such a day
When classic echoes, like a bell,
Peal o'er the mountains, past the bay,
Up to the field where Hector fell?
Pallas Athene leads unseen.

Olive and laurel bind her brow-
The favorite child of Wisdom's queen,
Will scarcely prove a laggard now.

A

LMOST simultaneously from Petrograd and from Milan announcements that, after the capture of Warsaw, Germany was seriously engaged in preliminary negotiations for the establishment of a peace were published. That the Dardanelles and Galicia had been offered by Berlin to Petrograd; that Egypt was asked for Turkey, and that the mediation of the Pope was desired on the basis of the restitution of Belgium, were some of the reports which gained currency between Aug. 5, the date of the fall of Warsaw, and Aug. 12, when the Novoe Vremya of Petrograd confirmed the rumors of German overtures for a separate peace with Russia.

Besides Galicia and the Dardanelles, the Novoe Vremya said, Germany would guarantee the integrity of the Russian frontiers, at the same time stipulating for Egypt on the pretext of ceding that country to Turkey, and for a free hand to deal with Russia's allies. The report declared that these offers were rejected by the Czar's Government.

These reports followed the announcement of Germany's greatest victory in the war-the occupation of Warsaw on Aug. 5. The campaign had been fought along a front of 1,000 miles, extending from the Baltic to the frontier of Rumania. According to the most authoritative figures, there have been between 6,000,OC0 and 7,000,000 men engaged in almost daily conflict. Since the last week in May the attacks upon the sides of the inclosing lines-600 miles of Warsaw have been the most furious in modern warfare, and only equaled by the vain counterattacks which have been more or less successfully launched by the Russians.

Up to July 29 hope was entertained in military quarters in London and Paris that the Russians had some tremendous coup in reserve, that they would stand a siege in their principal fortresses along the Warsaw salient, and then, with a free army still in the field, would attempt to turn the Teutonic flanks, either in the north between Libau and Riga or in the south on the Bukowinian-Rumanian frontier, or suddenly issue from the lines northeast and southeast of Warsaw and attempt to envelop the armies in the west.

But on July 29 came advices from Petrograd that in order to save the Russian armies a retreat-the greatest in history, even greater than the retreat of the Russians through Galicia from April 28 to May 25-must be made and the fortresses of the Warsaw salient abandoned. It was the same story of the Galician retreat-lack of ammunition. The armies would retire to prepared and selected ground forming a similar angle, 130 miles east of the Warsaw salient, and there await on the defensive the munitions necessary for a new and formidable offensive.

Notwithstanding the feints in the north, in the direction of Riga, the aim of the German General Staff has been obvious since the beginning of June. It was to reach the railways on which the Russian armies of the salient depended for their supplies and by which they might make their retreat.

To do this, seven huge armies were employed. The German northern army operating against the double-track line which runs from Warsaw to Petrograd, 1,000 miles in the northeast, via Bielostok and Grodno; the army operating in the Suwalki district, threatening the same line further west; the army fight

around Warsaw, or shail she continue to barter space against time, withdrawing from the line of the Vistula and points on it of both strategic and political importance in order to gain the time which Germany has already stored in the form of inexhaustible gun munitions?

The reply to this question was the evacuation of Warsaw, and a retreat like that of General Kuropatkin from LiaoYang, with the attempt to inflict on the pursuers losses greater than those suffered by the retreating army.

Encircling movements from the north and pressure from the west by the Austro-Germans, together with attacks on the fortresses of Warsaw, Lomza, and Ostrolenka to the northeast, and Ivangorod to the southeast, enabled the four Teuton armies to press the Grand Duke Nicholas's forces beyond the gates of Warsaw. The Russians abandoned Lublin on July 31; the Austro-Germans on Aug. 3 had occupied Mitau on the north and progressed beyond Chelm in Southeast Poland, and the Russians on Aug. 5 retired to the outer works of Lomza and Ostrolenka, while an Austrian wedge in the south was endeavoring to separate the Czar's armies in Poland and lower Russia. The Russian rearguard action was successful in delaying the capture of Warsaw at midnight of that day, the army of the Bavarian Prince Leopold

leading, until the evacuation of the Polish capital was completed.

But on Aug. 7, with the exception of the great intrenched camp of Novo Georgievsk, the Russians had evacuated the whole line of the Vistula River, Ivangorod, the southern fortress, having fallen into the hands of the AustroGerman Army. Reports that Kovno was being evacuated reached London on that day; on Aug. 12 the German official report announced that the Warsaw-Petrograd Railroad had been reached at the junction southeast of Ostrov, and the invaders were in the Benjaminov forts, east of Novo Georgievsk.

Further north, between Poniowitz and Dvinsk, where General von Bülow was advancing rapidly, the Germans were reported on Aug. 14 to be severely checked, and to have fallen into a trap set by the Grand Duke Nicholas. On Aug. 16 the German drive at Dvinsk was renewed, General von Bülow again taking the offensive with Field Marshal von Hindenburg. General von Hindenburg on Aug. 17 reported that his army had been successful in cutting the Russian line between the Narew and Bug Rivers, and the outer works of Kovno were taken. Field Marshal von Mackensen was also reported to be pushing back the Russians along the Bug.

Kovno, one of the crucial points in the Russian defensive in the north, was captured by the Germans on the night of Aug. 19, and the road to the Vilna, Warsaw, and Petrograd railway, as reported by the German War Office, was laid open to the troops of Emperor William.

A dispatch to Reuter's Telegram Company from Amsterdam reported a dispatch received there from Berlin announcing that Emperor William sent telegrams of congratulations to Field Marshal von Hindenburg and Generals von Eichhorn and Litsmann. That to von Hindenburg said:

"With Kovno the first and strongest

bulwark of the inner line of the Russian defenses has fallen into German hands. For this brilliant feat of arms the Fatherland is indebted, as well as for the incomparable bravery of its sons and your conspicuous initiative. I express to your Excellency my warmest appreciation.

"Upon Col. Gen. von Eichhorn, who guided the movements of the army with such prudence, I confer the Order.

Pour le Mérite, and upon General Lits-7

mann, whose arrangement along the attacking front secured a victory, the Oak Leaves of Merit."