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TERMS:-Issued monthly, 35 cents a number, $4.00 a year in advance in the United States, Porto Rico, Hawaii, Cuba, Canada, Mexico, and the Philippines. Elsewhere $5.00. Entered at New York Post Office as second-class matter. Entered as second-class matter at the Post-office Department, Ottawa, Canada. Subscribers may remit to us by post-office or express money orders, or by bank checks, drafts, or registered letters.. Money in letters is sent at sender's risk. Renew as early as possible in order to avoid a break in the receipt of the numbers. Bookdealers, Postmasters and Newsdealers receive subscriptions.

June-1

THE REVIEw of revIEWS CO., 30 Irving Place, New York

ALBERT SHAW, Pres. CHAS. D. LANIER, Sec. and Treas.

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HON. FREDERICK H. GILLETT, SPEAKER OF THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES

The new Speaker is a native and lifelong resident of Western Massachusetts. He has practised law at Springfield since his admission to the bar, in 1877. A graduate of Amherst College (class of 1874) and of Harvard Law School, Mr. Gillett has the traditional New England background. Since 1893 he has represented the Second Massachusetts District, serving on the Appropriations Committee, and as Republican floor leader of the House, of which he has long been one of the most popular and efficient members.

VOL. LIX

THE AMERICAN

REVIEW OF
OF REVIEWS

NEW YORK, JUNE, 1919

THE PROGRESS OF THE WORLD

The Treaty

On the first day of May the German delegates to the Peace Presented Conference, who had arrived at Versailles in successive groups on the last two or three days of April, were received by the representatives of the Allies for the purpose of exchanging credentials. Nearly a week later, on May 7, in the great hall of the Trianon Palace Hotel, there was staged one of the most impressive ceremonials in all the history of nations. About eighty delegates, representing the numerous Allied countries, had taken their places when President Wilson, accompanied by Premiers Clemenceau and Lloyd George, entered and took their seats. A French officer then ushered in Count Von Brockdorff-Rantzau, head of the German delegation, who was accompanied by the other German delegates. The Peace Treaty had been sufficiently completed to have been put into the form of a volume with parallel columns (or facing pages) in the English and French languages, but not in the German. Each Allied delegation received a copy at this time, and during the proceedings a copy was handed to the German delegates.

Clemenceau

No. 6

questions as promptly as possible in order to expedite the proceedings. There was no prospect that any material changes would be acceptable to the Allies, who had acted in a spirit of justice, and had kept in mind the armistice agreement and the "fourteen points" of President Wilson.

The German
Speech in
Reply

It was evident that Count von Brockdorff-Rantzau was either suffering from illness or deeply affected; for he remained in his seat while making his reply, which was a prepared speech of some length. It was not, from the standpoint of the world's public opinion, a wise or discreet speech, but it may have been intended for political effect in Germany. It was argumentative as to the origin of the War; and while it seemed to admit the guilt of Germany, it tried to divert the issue by charging that Germany's opponents were also guilty of one thing or another. It scarcely lies in the mouth of a captured burglar or highwayman to bring counter-charges against his innocent victims for the means they employed in self-defense. It was unfortunate that the head of the German delegation should have thought it his function to read a lecture to the delegates of the Allies. Much that he said in his speech would have been acceptable if uttered in a different tone. He said that Germany was wholly committed to the reconstruction of Belgium and Northern France, but that the conquerors must help the German people to find out how to meet the financial obligations "without succumbing under their heavy burden." He went on to say: "A crash would deprive those who have a right to reparation of the advantages to which they have a claim, and would entail irretrievable disorder of the whole European economic system. The conquerors, as well as the vanquished peoples, must guard against this menacing danger with its inCopyright, 1919, by THE REVIEW OF REVIEWS COMPANY

Premier Clemenceau presided, Forbide "Oral and made a brief explanatory Discussion" speech in simple, stern phrases. He allowed the Germans two weeks in which to examine the various parts of the extensive document and to send in written criticisms or comments. No oral discussion was to take place. After the two weeks' period, which was to end on May 22, the Supreme Council of the Allies would make answer to the German comments and would then fix the time within which final action must be taken. M. Clemenceau added that if German questions were received from day to day, the Allies would not wait until the end of the fifteen-day period, but would answer the

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calculable consequences. There is only one means of banishing it-unlimited acknowledgment of the economic and social solidarity of all the peoples in a free and rising League of Nations." He then made a brief appeal for the admission of Germany to the League of Nations, and for reasonable peace terms in accord with President Wilson's principles that had been accepted at the time of the armistice.

Stupendous

Achievement

Incidentally, the newspapers called attention to the fact that 177 days had passed since the armistice was signed; that the Allies had taken 109 days for their deliberations at Paris, in preparing the Peace Treaty; and that exactly four years to a day had elapsed since the sinking of the Lusitania. Considering the magnitude of the work that the Allied Conference had to perform the great number of questions of vital concern that had to be dealt with-it must be admitted that the period of half a year since the signing of the armistice had been well occupied. The treaty is without parallel in history as an adjustment of varied human interests. seems likely that economic questions could have been dealt with more expeditiously if the Allies had given authority to their economic advisers, and had constituted at the very beginning a great business congress on problems of reconstruction, finance, shipping, food, raw materials, and so on. Such a body of business experts might have helped to prevent much of the unrest due to the paralysis

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of industry in Europe, and might have seen the work of restoring Belgium and France already well advanced. The Allied group of statesmen and diplomatists had to deal with political issues which required time for adjustment. They were better fitted for such problems than for the work of restoring European commerce and industry, and of providing methods by which Germany could meet the just economic demands of Belgium and France.

Loud Protests from Germany

The Peace Treaty having been prepared, and agreed upon by the Allies in all its essentials so far as Germany was concerned, the overshadowing questions at once became : (1) Would the German delegates affix their signatures; and (2) Would the German Government and people ratify such acceptance? It was natural enough that there should have been a great storm of protest in Germany when the outline of the Treaty became known. The German delegation began promptly to send in notes discussing one point after another, just as Clemenceau had proposed. Their first suggestions had to do with the League of Nations, the status of the German prisoners, international labor policies, etc. For prisoners, the Germans asked prompt repatriation. The German delegates requested that these men should no longer be held as prisoners of war, but should be sent back to Germany as civilians and then permitted to return as free laborers, to aid in the restoration of Belgium and France, rather than to be held for such labor in their present condition. It was the prevailing impression in well-informed European circles that Germany would in due time sign the Treaty. There were many German leaders wildly denouncing the Treaty and demanding its rejection; but their counsels were those of anger and bitterness, and not of calm judgment or plain common sense.

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rate an arrangement may bear upon the fortunes of Germany or of any other of the nations most deeply involved. There were loud outcries in Germany after the Treaty draft had been delivered, to the effect that Germany was to be coldly and deliberately annihilated by the terms of the document. This, of course, is not true. Important countries will survive, in a period that ordains "self-determination"; and Germany is very lucky in this settlement. France was not annihilated by the terms imposed in 1871 at Versailles and Frankfort. Germany then. took away from France the provinces of Alsace and Lorraine. These are now restored to France. The people of Alsace-Lorraine are satisfied, and there can be no question as to the rightfulness of this restoration. The private owners of mines and other property in Alsace-Lorraine will have their equities duly considered. Germany is not punished, nor really injured by this act of justice.

аз а

Neighbor

Germany restores to Poland cerPoland tain territories which in the former partitions of Poland had been appropriated by Prussia. Since it is the verdict of Europe that there shall be an independent Poland-a thoroughly righteous verdict it is suitable that the territories which formerly belonged to Poland and are now inhabited almost entirely by Poles should be re-united and governed under the Polish flag. This is not to be regarded as involving any hardship or any penalty to Germany. It is a part of the normal and reasonable evolution of Europe under modern principles. If it had not come to pass just now as a result of the World War, it would have followed at some later time, perhaps as the result of an even more devastating conflict. Germany had been building up a military empire which could not live in the broad light of modern freedom that was dawning upon the world. Thus it becomes the part of intelligence for Germany to accept Poland as a neighbor, and to learn how to be just and honest in neighborhood relationships. The arrangements for international control of the port of Danzig follow along the same line of justice, and are not in the nature of a punishment. It is reasonable that Poland should have this access to the Baltic, and Germany will have unembarrassed access to what remains to her of East Prussia. The war was fought to end German militarism and to liberate peoples. It is no wrong to Germany to suppress bullying.

COUNT VON BROCKDORFF-RANTZAU (AT THE LEFT), HEAD OF THE GERMAN PEACE DELEGATION, ON HIS ARRIVAL IN PARIS

Obvious Justice to Denmark

The Danes have been very modest as regards Schleswig-Holstein. They have never wanted to regain Holstein, because that province is essentially German. Nor have they desired. the southern part of Schleswig. Northern Schleswig is purely Danish. The Treaty provides that the inhabitants are to express their preferences successively in three narrow zones of North Schleswig in order to establish a true line. In view of the high-handed way in which Prussia seized these provinces in 1866, this form of restoration to Denmark is most considerate, and Germany ought to accept it with thanks. The recession will not injure or punish Germany in any respect.

The Saar

Those who know the extent to

Valley which Germany destroyed the Adjustment coal mines in the North of France, cannot find it unreasonable that France should have the right to the coal in the Saar Valley which adjoins Lorraine. This district for a period of years will be under the control of the League of Nations, without prejudice to its future return to Germany if that should be the clear wish of the inhabitants. Again, let us say, it would be hard to imagine the Germans dealing with a like point in so considerate a fashion. Germany, of course, will be able to

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