inestimable value, they must derive from union an exemption from those broils and wars between themselves, which so frequently afflict neighboring countries, not tied together by the same government, which their own rivalships alone would be sufficient to produce; but which opposite foreign alliances, attachments and intrigues, would stimulate and embitter. These considerations speak a persuasive language to every reflecting and virtuous mind, and exhibit the continuance of the union as a primary object of patriotism. Is there a doubt whether a common government can embrace so large a sphere? Let experience solve it. To listen to mere speculation in such a case were criminal. We are authorized to hope that a proper organization of the whole, with the auxiliary agency of governments for the respective subdivisions, will afford a happy issue of the experiment. It is well worth a fair and full experiment. With such powerful and obvious motives to union, affecting all parts of our country, while experience shall not have demonstrated its impracticability, there will always be a reason to distrust the patriotism of those who, in any quarter, may seek to weaken its bands. In contemplating the causes which may disturb our union, it occurs as a matter of serious concern that any ground should have been furnished. for characterizing parties, by geographical discriminations-Northern and Southern-Atlantic and Westernwhence designing men may endeavor to excite a belief that there is a real difference of local interests and views. One of the expedients of party to acquire influence within particular districts, is to misrepresent the opinions and aims of other districts. You cannot shield yourselves too much against the jealousies and heart-burnings which spring from these misrepresentations—they tend to render alien to each other those who ought to be bound together by fraternal affection." Such, no doubt, were many of the serious thoughts that occupied the mind of Washington, even while listening to the ministrations of Divine truth, as he sat upon this not very imposing seat. Oh, how his heart burned for the success of his struggling country! How he longed to see his oppressed compatriots free from despotic usurpation, and the land he was defending a nation by itself, with all the requisite arrangements for self-government. When we imagine his anxiety for the cause of the struggling colonists, the important part he took in the great drama of the Revolution, and his subsequent counsel in administering the affairs of the Government over which he presided,* we cannot fail to realize that Independence The subjoined anecdote will clearly exhibit the character of Washington in an official capacity:-During his administration as President of the United States, a gentleman, the friend of the President throughout the whole course of the Revolutionary war, applied for a lucrative and responsible office. The gentleman was at all times welcome to Washington's table. He had been to a certain degree necessary to the domestic repose of a man who had for seven years fought the battles of his country, and who had now undertaken the task of wielding her political energies. At all times and in all places, Washington regarded his revolutionary associate with an eye of evident partiality and confidence. He was a jovial, pleasant and unobtrusive companion. In applying for the office, it was in the full confidence of success, and his friends already cheered him in the prospect of his arrival at competency and ease. The opponent of this gentleman was known to be decidedly hostile to the politics of Washington. He had even made himself conspicuous among the ranks of the opposition. He had, however, Hall is the most befitting place in which to preserve the sacred relics of our national history. Here let the Pew of GEORGE WASHINGTON ever reinain as an inspiring memento to attract the patriotism and religious reverence of every pilgrim to this shrine. the temerity to stand as a candidate for the office to which the friend and favorite of Washington aspired. He had nothing to urge in favor of his pretensions but strong integrity, promptitude, and fidelity in business, and every quality which, if called into exercise, would render service to the State. Every one considered the appointment of this man hopeless. No flattering testimonial of merit had he to present to the eye of Washington. He was known to be his political enemy. He was opposed by a favorite of the general; and yet with such fearful odds he dared to stand a candidate. What was the result? The enemy of Washington was appointed to the office, and his table companion left destitute and rejected. A mutual friend, who interested himself in the affair, ventured to remonstrate with the President for the injustice of his appointment. "My friend," said he, "I receive him with a cordial welcome. He is welcome to my house and welcome to my heart. But, with all his good qualities, he is not a man of business. His opponent is, with all his political hostility to me, a man of business. My private feelings have nothing to do in this case. I am not George Washington, but President of the United States. As George Washington, I would do this man any kindness in my power; but, as President of the United States, I can do nothing." CHAPTER XXXIX. FRANKLIN'S DESK. "Nocturna versate manu, versate diurnâ.” LIKE all the other attractive relics which add peculiar interest to the associations of Independence Hall, Franklin's old and antiquated office-desk excites intense admiration. Its simplicity, like the plain habiliments of that Nestorian patriot, is powerfully suggestive, and carries the mind back to a period when the "Sons of Liberty" did not revel in as luxurious palaces as now, and statesmen and philosophers learned wisdom under more embarrassing circumstances. This old desk was Franklin's choice companion. He regarded it as a very dear friend, for he sat by its side through years of trouble; and from its unpolished surface he sent forth to the world words of wisdom, truth, and philosophy, as well as political principles, that caused kings upon their thrones to tremble. Here it was that he committed to paper for the good of future generations, his investigations respecting the force and character of electricity-here his ingenious thoughts assumed the form of tangibility, and were spread before the world in characters of living light. "Poor Richard" here uttered his wise sayings; and here the diplomatist wrote many valuable State papers. It may seem a small matter to write about so uncouth a piece of furniture as this old Desk; but the character of the man who owned it, and who penned so many valuable works upon it, invests it with an interest that cannot be estimated in dollars and cents. It has survived the wreck of years, and stands before us now as a silent memento of the times when Freedom struggled with oppression-when monarchical usurpation placed an iron incubus upon the necks of men endeavoring to free themselves from the yoke of bondage "Who, firmly good in a corrupted state, Against the rage of tyrants singly stood, When Juvenal visited Rome, and stood amidst the architectural piles and memorable scenes of that renowned city, he realized a sensation of wonder take possession of his mind, and in the fullness of his soul he cried out: "Quid Romæ faciam! Mentiri nescio!" He was at a loss to know what he should do at Rome, because so vividly came to his recollection the associations connected with its history, that he declared he could not die. He may have spoken metaphorically, but the figure is impressive, and applies equally pertinent to Independence Hall. We cannot stand here, and gaze upon these mighty relics, without experiencing the same sensation; and, obtuse as our sensibilities may be, we will not fail to be alive to every impulse that thrills the patriotic breast. The history of the past, with all its concomitant incidents-the part enacted in that history by the men whose figures look. down upon us here-the positions assumed by the |