each party chosen by voters of the party in local districts would meet to select candidates and formulate the platform for the party. In order to prevent machine control, should this evil develop, it is recommended under the Hughes plan that independent candidates be permitted to run for office and to permit voters to express freely their choice for such candidates, if so desired. This plan has been worked out in detail by a committee of the National Municipal League and is receiving favorable consideration, particularly in the Eastern States.1 A third group would retain the present primary nominating system and by strengthening and improving existing laws would try to eliminate the serious defects of the present system. The advocates of this plan appear to be in the majority, particularly in the states of the middle and far West. What results will come from these and other conflicting views as to primary elections it would be rash indeed to predict. It is obvious that here is one of the problems of modern government which calls for the best thought of those who still have faith in the principles of popular government. A satisfactory method of recording the popular verdict and of securing persons of high caliber as to both ability and character in the filling of public office, is one of the greatest problems of democratic government.2

Party Funds. To keep the extensive and elaborate party machinery going, a large amount of money is necessary. For this purpose, funds are collected by all of the parties. The sources of party funds are voluntary subscriptions, usually contributions made by the members of the party, contributions from corporations where the laws do not prohibit such contributions, various assessments made upon officeholders and aspirants to office and upon special

Cf. "Proposals for a direct primary law designed to democratize party control and party nominations for state offices and at the same time preserve party leadership and party responsibility," prepared by Dr. Ralph S. Boots, Columbia University, chairman of the committee.

See P. O. Ray, op. cit., pp. 148 ff, on advantages and disadvantages of the direct primary.

Prepare an analysis of your state primary law.

interests such as public-utility interests, public contractors, saloons, and various resorts which desire government protection. Where there is a strong and well-organized machine a huge sum is collected from such interests and is expended to strengthen the party and to extend its influence and power. The increasing amount collected and expended by the leading parties, and the discovery of scandals connected therewith, have led to the passage of laws which attempt to limit contributions and to remedy some of the evils exposed. Among the measures enacted for this purpose are the corrupt practices acts, which aim to prevent bribery, treating, and various other questionable methods of securing votes; those which restrict the sources of party revenue, such as preventing contributions by corporations or by banks; and those which limit the purposes for which money may be expended and require publicity of campaign contributions and expenditures. Acts of Congress now also require full publicity with respect to contributions and expenditures for elections of members of Congress and for presidential campaigns. Campaign committees are required to keep an account of all receipts and expenditures; and a sworn statement of all contributions received, with the names of contributors and the purposes for which the money has been spent, must be filed for public inspection.1

Despite laws and acts attempting to prohibit corrupt conduct in elections, recent exposures in Indiana, Illinois, Texas, Michigan, and other states show that corrupt practices are by no means eradicated. The expenditure of large sums of money not accounted for in the statement of campaign expenses and efforts to change the results of elections by wholesale buying of votes have been exposed. Many of the provisions of bribery legislation are openly violated, and there are so many possibilities of evading

1 See Ray, op. cit., pp. 282-291, for description of remedial legislation. On legitimate and illegitimate use of money in elections, Cf. ibid., pp. 277 ff,

laws that the placing of the electoral process on a basis of openhanded fairness and honesty remains as yet in large measure to be accomplished. Fortunately, the instances of general corruption are growing more rare, and even the sinister methods which were once quite general are now used less frequently.

The Control of the Political Boss and the Party Machine.Probably no greater problem exists for the American people to handle than to lessen the influence of the boss and his associates in party politics. Unlike able political leaders and statesmen, the boss, as his name indicates, handles huge numbers of persons and their votes to his own liking. Playing upon the weaknesses and oftentimes the misfortunes of men, he manipulates the votes and rewards his supporters with the spoils of elections and favors which lie within his power to grant. To have political issues put honestly and openly before the citizens without the intrigues, favors, and influence of the party boss and machine being paramount is probably too high an ideal to approximate, with human nature constituted as it is. But if government is to approach democratic standards, the power of the person or persons who work in the dark instead of in the open, who use intrigue instead of fair and sincere argument, whose interests are primarily a matter of seeking selfish ends or power rather than a matter of general benefit, will have effectually to be checked. The excrescences of the party system of government, namely, the boss and the political machine, will have to be held within bounds if leadership within party organization and public office are to appeal to the type of persons who are best qualified through their ability as statesmen. The power which has come to the boss and the machine has resulted, to no small extent, from the various desires of corporations willing to grant substantial aid to

Prepare an analysis of the laws of your state on campaign contributions and corrupt practices.

Report on corrupt practices in recent local elections.

party funds in return for special privileges and from the general indifference of the average voter and citizen to governmental affairs. In addition, the great number of elective offices, together with the general application of the spoils system with its attendant evils, have proved effective tools in the hands of corrupt politicians and unscrupulous bosses. The placing of party interests and successes above the importance of the issues at stake and the persistent loyalty to the candidates of a particular party, regardless of ability or policy, have also aided in giving the boss superior power in manipulating large numbers of voters.

The party organization, with groups of machines and local representatives in every community, controls the nominations to public office and forces presidents, governors, and other high officials to bow to its authority. An illustration of the extent of the extra-legal control exercised by a boss is aptly described in the testimony of Richard Croker, the boss of New York City, before a committee of investigation in 1899.

Q. You say these gentlemen' whom I have mentioned are your friends, do you? A. Yes, sir.

Q. You are their leader and have discussed together the political matters of the city, have you not? A. Yes, sir.

Q. You give certain directions and advice? A. Yes, sir.

Q. And they follow it? A. Some do.

Q. And when they do not? A. Some do and some don't.

Q. That is the only way a political party can be made practically successful, is it not? A. That is the way.

Q. It does not do to have divided councils at the head, does it? A. No, not very well.

Q. For that reason, when the party is dominant the men who are put into the city offices to administer the affairs of the city ought to be in such relation with the head that they will do what is generally considered by the organization to be the proper thing? A. We agree to that. We believe it is right, yes.

Q. The leader of that organization is always looked to for his advice,

1 Men prominent in Tammany Democracy.

his judgment, and his direction, is he not? A. Not always. Often things are done that the leader don't know anything about.

Q. But there are so many things that you cannot be expected to know and understand them all. I agree on that. A. There are lots of things done that I am not accountable for at all.

Q. I want to read the names of the sachems.1 We are not only talking, but we have got to make a record that is to go to the Legislature and I want it straight. Is that list substantially correct?

A. Yes, sir.

Q. And all or nearly all of those men hold prominent positions now in the city government? A. Yes, sir.

Q. Is it not a fact that upon the success of the Tammany ticket in the election of the fall of 1897 there was a gathering at Lakewood of the important members of the Tammany organization, including yourself, at which was discussed the offices that were to be filled and the candidates for these offices? Is not that so? A. Oh, yes.

Q. And at that conference at Lakewood practically all of the important officers of the city and county government were selected, were they not? A. Well, pretty much.

Q. And your advice was asked upon them all, was it not? A. Mostly all, yes, sir.

Q. Do you recall any member of any important office of the city government now who was not discussed with you and your advice asked about him? A. No, I do not.

Q. These men were all agreeable to you, were they not? A. Yes, sir. Q. And most of them were your personal selection, were they not? A. Well, no, they were not; not my personal selection at all.

Q. But the selection of yourself or of your immediate associates? A. Yes, sir.

Q. And they were selected partly because of their presumed ability to fill the offices and partly because of the loyalty they had to the organization which had triumphed? A. Yes, sir.

Q. And in filling those offices you looked directly to the practical questions of sustaining the strength of the successful organization, did you not? A. Yes, sir."

The doctrine that to the victor belong the spoils when put into practice by political leaders and bosses led to the use of the public offices as an incentive for party work and as

1 Officers in Tammany Hall.

Investigation of the Offices and Departments of the City of New York, 1899, vol. i, pp. 326 ff, and vol. iii, pp. 2963 ff. Reprinted in C. A. Beard, Readings in American Government and Politics, revised edition (The Macmillan Company, 1913), pp. 568–570.