conceded as just, and worthy of the men.'

*

There can

not be a doubt, that at the day when the axe descended on the neck of Charles I., a majority of the people were still strongly attached to the forms of monarchical government. But on the other side were a most formidable minority, comprising within itself the greatest amount of energy, genius, and moral force, that had yet been exhibited upon the stage of public affairs in England. To elevate the whole nation to that standard, was a design at once grand and simple, worthy of the age, and of the deeds already done in it. For, be it kept in mind, republicanism was of recent growth even in the breasts of these founders of the new republic. The most influential of them had not played the lofty part they did from any preconceived notion of the abstract excellence of that form of civil society. It has been abundantly shown in this work, that what such men as VANE Sought, was popular and good government; embracing extensive representation, security for person and property, freedom of thought, freedom of the press, and entire liberty of conscience. It was only because they could not find these under a monarchy, that they became republicans; but under a monarchy they would have been content with these. From the head of no Jupiter sprang the armed republic of England; but even from the weak and faithless head of her own Charles Stuart. Practical and most protracted experience of the utter impossibility of bringing that monarch to terms of good faith, destroyed, in the breasts of a formidable minority of the nation, all further faith in monarchy itself. It only remained, by means as powerful, to wean the rest from that old allegiance and long-descended love, by exhibiting to them in enlarged prosperity, safety, and honour, the superior forces that were inherent in the republican form. Hence it came to be urged, as no less a matter of necessity than duty,

* I have already treated this subject in the "Life of Vane," with less consideration, probably, for the part that statesman took in it, than I have felt it only due to the general body of republicans to concede in this place.

to hold fast by the act which Englishmen who have read the history of their country aright know to be the corner stone of all the freedom that now exists in it, and which declared the parliament that assembled in 1640 indissoluble, save by its own consent. By such a course only, in the midst of the clouds that hung over the minds of men after the memorable action of the 30th of January, was it felt that even the common frame of society could be held together. Only so, could the chance, however distant, of another trial of the family of Stuart, be averted from the land which they had cursed so heavily. By this alone could that calm be cast upon the troubled waters out of which order and happiness must ever rise. But it was a course which in any case carried along with it one most peremptory condition. Justified by necessity alone the limits of necessity sternly bound it in. The day that saw it no longer essential to safety, saw it the most fatal instrument of danger.

That day had, now at least, arrived. The first act of the statesmen of Westminster, after the Worcester victory, should have been the passing of their bill for an amended representation, and the dissolution of the parliament in which they sat. In the restless anxiety of the thoughtful Vane, which followed close upon that event, might be detected the fear that there had already been a delay too long. No merely administrative glory, however great and brilliant, can be expected to produce a lasting beneficial impression on the minds or the condition of a people. The government of the new form had now brought to a successful issue its struggle for existence: scattered or prostrate enemies on all sides bore witness to the solid foundations it had laid. The next, the greatest, and most serviceable stone of the superstructure, should have been a fearless appeal to the people. More was to be gained, as events will show hereafter, by trusting than by distrusting them. They had now, moreover, the indisputable right to demand-what such a course was only the first step to new political insti

tutions, such as Vane's later experience inculcated, to be founded on the principles of the old, and in which should be kept, as far as it was possible, the spirit of those fundamental laws and usages to which they had been for centuries accustomed, and under which, in their purer shapes, they had grown in civilisation and in virtue. Assuming, on the other hand, the injustice of such demands, and the inexpediency of granting them, what was the single security left to the new commonwealth, even in the midst of all its triumphs? Nothing but the sword that had struck for them. Nothing but the force which, obedient to an impulse from without, might as readily answer to a bidding from within. Here lurked the danger that was mightiest, because least seen. The serpent that had the deadliest sting for the new commonwealth lay coiled and cherished within its own bosom. Every man in that army which now rested, after its loftiest and last triumph, within a few days' march of London, should have been made, in his very first hour of consciousness of victory, to feel that his sword had at length become useless, for that higher duties awaited its gallant owner. The great invitation of citizenship should have pierced like a trumpet into every tent - You have won the privileges of freemen. Come now, and actively participate in them!

The course of events to which our narrative turns, will present, towards the just appreciation of the various great questions involved in this momentous subject, a series of sad, though salutary, illustrations.

Within a few hours after the news from Worcester reached London, soul-stirring despatches from Cromwell were read from the speaker's chair to the assembled commons, and from every chapel in the vast city to its crowded and excited congregation. "We beat the enemy," they said, "from hedge to hedge, till we beat them into Worcester. The dispute was long and very near at hand, and often at push of pike from one defence to another... We fought in the streets of the town together for three hours' space; but in the end

we beate the enemy totally... We pursued him to his royal fort, which we took, and have beaten indeed his whole army... When we took his fort, we turned his own guns upon him... This hath been a very glorious mercy, and as stiffe a contest for four or five hours as ever I have seene. Both your old forces, and those new raised, have behaved themselves with very great courage; and He that made them come out, made them willing to fight for you... We have seven thousand 'prisoners, many of them officers and noblemen of quality... If this provoke those that are concerned in it to thankfulnesse, and the parliament to do the will of Him who had done his will for it and for the nation whose good pleasure is to establish the nation and the change of the government, by making the people so willing to the defence thereof, and so signally to blesse the endeavours of your servants in this late great worke—I am bold humbly to beg, that all thoughts may tend to the promoting of His honour who hath wrought so great salvation; and that the fatnesse of these continued mercies may not occasion pride and wantonnesse, as formerly the like hath done to a chosen nation; but that the fear of the Lord, even for his mercies, may keep an authority and a people so prospered and blessed, and witnessed unto, humble and faithful; and that justice and righteousnesse, mercy and truth, may flow from you as a thankfull return to our gracious God."*

The earnest and loud amens which these characteristic phrases and adjurings drew forth from crowded congregations of the faithful, were echoed along the less crowded benches of the commons; and well had it been for the members assembled there, as in all proba

From a newspaper of the time. Sev. Proc. in Parliament, Sept. 4th to Sept. 11th. This last despatch was delivered to the house by major Cobbet, a man of much spirit and resolution; who produced with it a collar of SS., belonging to young Charles, and his garter, both which he had taken in the royal tent. A characteristic postscript at the close of the despatch he bore, evidenced at once Cromwell's regard for the interests of his officers, and the legitimate means by which he achieved influence with them. "Your officers," it ran, "behaved themselves with much honour in this service; and the person who is the bearer hereof was equal in the performance of his duty to most that served you that day." An estate of a hun dred a year was on this voted to Cobbet.

bility for posterity to come, if upon such fervent thanks, so simply and honestly given to their great general, they had been content to rest their gratitude to him (already laden as he was with more worldly testimonies of the richness of their bounty), and on the instant proceeded to offer to the Providence that had again blessed with victory the cause which engaged his arms, the fittest and most "thankful return" which free men could make, by inviting their fellow countrymen to partake of the blessings so triumphantly won, and by fixing on the broad and strong basis of popular consent, sympathy, and regard, their new fabric of republican government. For the servants of that government, it should have been enough in any case to know that they had done their duty, and deserved well of their country. Anything beyond this could indeed serve the purposes of "pride and wantonnesse" alone. The writer whose duty it is to record the proceedings of the time, can only mention the vote of the house at this memorable crisis with a feeling of reluctance akin to shame.

To the lord general Cromwell an estate in land, of four thousand a year was voted* ; and a royal residence, the palace of Hampton Court, was ordered to be prepared for his future abode. Nor these alone. The honour of the chancellorship of the University of Oxford was at the same time conferred upon him; and a deputation of four of the first members of the government of that government which should have held its least powerful member of higher dignity and account than its most successful soldier-servant-were appointed to meet and congratulate the lord general at Aylesbury, on his way to the capital, with every form of honour and subservience. By the same votes, a series of estates, descending in value from 2,000l. to 300l. a year,

Ludlow urges in extenuation of this vote, that the present income, in addition to his old grant of 2,500l. a year, was meant to keep Cromwell steady (a difficult matter, requiring heavy ballast,) in obligation to his duty, or to leave him without excuse if he should depart from it." (vol. i. p. 371.) If this was the motive, it adds to the shortsightedness of the entire proceeding. History and human nature-to say nothing of common justice to the common people-should have dictated a different method.