passages. After expressing his high sense of the confidence which his fellow citizens had shown towards him, and of the feeling of deep responsibility with which he entered upon the discharge of his arduous duties, he took a rapid and general view of the prosperous condition of the Republic under the wise provisions of its venerated Constitution.

"Other considerations of the highest importance admonish us to cherish our Union, and to cling to the Government which supports it. Fortunate as we are in our political institutions, we have not been less so in other circumstances, on which our prosperity and happiness essentially depend. Situated within the temperate zone, and extending through many degrees of latitude along the Atlantic, the United States enjoy all the varieties of climate, and every production incident to that portion of the globe. Penetrating, internally, to the great lakes, and beyond the sources of the great rivers which communicate through our whole interior, no country was ever happier with respect to its domain. Blessed, too, with a fertile soil, our produce has always been very abundant, leaving, even in years the least favorable, a surplus for the wants of our fellow men in other countries. Such is our peculiar felicity, that there is not a part of our Union that is not particularly interested in preserving it. The great agricultural interest of the nation prospers under its protection. Local interests are not less fostered by it. Our fellow citizens of the north, engag ́ed in navigation, find great encouragement in being made the favored carriers of the vast productions of the other portions of the United States, while the inhabitants of these are amply recompensed, in their turn, by the nursery for seamen and naval force, thus formed and reared up for the support of our common rights. Our manufactures find a generous encouragement by the policy which patronizes domestic industry; and the surplus of our produce, a steady and profitable market by local wants, in less favored parts at home.

"Such, then, being the highly favored condition of our country, it is the interest of every citizen to maintain it. What are the dangers which menace us? If any exist, they ought to be ascertained and guarded against.

"In explaining my sentiments on this subject, it may be asked, what raised us to the present happy state? How did we accomplish the revolution? How remedy the defects of the first instrument of our Union, by infusing into the national government sufficient power for national purposes, without impairing the just rights of the States, or affecting those of individuals? How sustain, and pass with glory through the late war? The government has been in the hands of the people. To the people, therefore, and to the faithful and able depositories of their trust, is the credit due. Had the people of the United States been educated in different principles; had they been less intelligent, less independent, or less virtuous; can it be believed that we should have maintained the same steady and consistent career, or been blessed with the same success? While then the constituent body retains its present sound and healthful state, every thing will be safe. They will choose competent and faithful representatives for every department. It is only when people become ignorant and corrupt; when they degenerate into a populace, that they

are incapable of exercising the sovereignty. Usurpation is then an easy attainment, and an usurper soon found. The people themselves become the willing instruments of their own debasement and ruin. Let us then look to the great cause, and endeavor to preserve it in full force. Let us, by all wise and constitutional measures, promote intelligence among the people, as the best means of preserving our liberties.

"Dangers from abroad are no less deserving of attention. Experiencing the fortune of other nations, the United States may be again involved in war, and it may, in that event, be the object of the adverse party to overset our government, to break our union, and demolish us as a nation. Our distance from Europe, and the just, moderate and pacific policy of our government, may form some security against these dangers, but they ought to be anticipated and guarded against. Many of our citizens are engaged in commerce and navigation, and all of them are in a certain degree dependent on their prosperous state. Many are engaged in the fisheries. These interests are exposed to invasion in the war between other powers, and we should disregard the faithful admonition of experi ence, if we did not expect it. We must support our rights or lose our character, and with it perhaps our liberties. A people who fail to do it, can scarcely be said to hold a place among independent nations. National honor is national property of the highest value. The sentiment in the mind of every citizen is national strength. It ought, therefore, to be cherished.

"To secure us against these dangers, our coast and inland frontiers should be fortified, our army and navy regulated upon just principles as to the force of each, be kept in perfect order, and our militia be placed on the best practicable footing. To put our extensive coast in such a state of defence as to secure our cities and interior from invasion, will be attended with expense, but the work, when finished, will be permanent; and it is fair to presume, that a single campaign of invasion by a naval force superior to our own, aided by a few thousand land troops, would expose us to greater expense, without taking into the estimate the loss of property and distress of our citizens, than would be sufficient for this great work.

"Our land and naval forces should be moderate, but adequate to the necessary purposes. The former to garrison and preserve our fortifications, and to meet the first invasions of a foreign foe; and, while constituting the elements of a greater force, to preserve the science, as well as all the necessary implements of war, in a state to be brought into activity in the event of war. The latter, retained within the limits proper in a state of peace, might aid in maintaining the neutrality of the United States with dignity in the wars of other powers, and in saving the property of their citizens from spoliation. In time of war, with the enlargement of which the great naval resources of the country render it susceptible, and which should be duly fostered in time of peace, it would contribute essentially, both as an auxiliary of defence, and as a powerful engine of annoyance, to diminish the calamities of war, and to bring the war to a speedy and honorable termination.

"But it ought always to be held prominently in view, that the safety of

these states, and of every thing dear to a free people, must depend, in an eminent degree, on the militia. Invasions may be made, too formidable to be resisted by any land and naval force, which it would comport, either with the principles of our Government, or the circumstances of the United States, to maintain. In such cases, recourse must be had to the great body of the people, and in a manner to produce the best effect. It is of the highest importance, therefore, that they be so organized and trained, as to be prepared for any emergency. The arrangement should be such, as to put at the command of the Government the ardent patriotism and youthful vigor of the country. If formed on equal and just principles, it cannot be oppressive. It is the crisis which makes the pressure, and not the laws which provide a remedy for it. This arrangement should be formed too, in time of peace, to be better prepared for war. With such an organization of such a people, the United States have nothing to dread from foreign invasion. At its approach, an overwhelming force of gallant men might always be put in motion.

"Other interests, of high importance, will claim attention, among which the improvement of our country by roads and canals, proceeding always with a constitutional sanction, holds a distinguished place. By thus facilitating the intercourse between the States, we shall add much to the convenience and comfort of our fellow citizens; much to the ornament of the country; and, what is of greater importance, we shall shorten distances, and by making each part more accessible to, and dependent on the other, we shall bind the Union more closely together. Nature has done so much for us, by intersecting the country with so many great rivers, bays, and lakes, approaching from distant points so near to each other, that the inducement to complete the work seems to be peculiarly strong. A more interesting spectacle was, perhaps, never seen, than is exhibited within the limits of the United States; a territory so vast, and advantageously situated, containing objects so grand, so useful, so happily connected in all their parts.

"Our manufactures will likewise require the systematic and fostering care of the government. Possessing, as we do, all the raw materials, the fruit of our own soil and industry, we ought not to depend, in the degree we have done, on supplies from other countries. While we are thus dependent, the sudden event of war, unsought and unexpected, cannot fail to plunge us into the most serious difficulties. It is important, too, that the capital, which nourishes our manufactures, should be domestic, as its influence in that case, instead of exhausting, as it may do in foreign hands, would be felt advantageously on agriculture, and every other branch of industry. Equally important is it to provide at home a market for our raw materials, as, by extending the competition, it will enhance the price, and protect the cultivator against the casualties incident to foreign markets.

"With the Indian tribes it is our duty to cultivate friendly relations, and to act with kindness and liberality in all our transactions. Equally proper is it to persevere in our efforts to extend to them the advantages of civilization.

"The great amount of our revenue, and the flourishing state of the

treasury, are a full proof of the competency of the national resources, for any emergency, as they are of the willingness of our fellow citizens to bear the burdens, which the public necessities require. The vast amount of vacant lands, the value of which daily augments, forms an additional resource of great extent and duration. These resources, bes.des accomplishing every other necessary purpose, put it completely in the power of the United States to discharge the national debt at an early period. Peace is the best time for improvement and preparation of every kind; it is in peace that our commerce flourishes most; that taxes are most easily paid, and that the revenue is most productive."

He then remarked on the necessity of a faithful disbursement of the public money, and expressed his determination to do all in his power to secure the utmost economy and fidelity in this important branch of the administration. The absence of all foreign hostilities, and the return of domestic harmony, formed other gratifying topics of reflection. The speech concludes with a few observations on the instructive and useful examples presented by the administrations of his illustrious predecessors, and with the fervent hope that the Almighty would graciously continue that protection to the Republic, which He had already displayed so conspicuously in its favor.

On the conclusion of his address, the oath of office was administered to the President by the Chief Justice of the United States. A signal gun having been fired, salutes were given from the navy yard, the battery, Fort Warburton, and from a corps of artillery. The day was delightful, and the crowd of spectators, including numerous American and foreign functionaries, was estimated at from six to eight thousand.

Among the early appointments of President Monroe, was that of Mr. John Quincy Adams as Secretary for the department of State; of Mr. William H. Crawford for the department of the Treasury; and Mr. Isaac Shelby,* of Kentucky, for the department of War. Mr. Calhoun was afterwards appointed to the War department, and Mr. B. W. Crowninshield to the Navy. About the first of June, the President left Washington to commence his tour through the States; which gave occasion to so many speculations among newspaper politicians, and which elicited a most general expression of kindness, respect, and courtesy.

The President arrived at Baltimore on Sunday, the 1st of June, visited the field where the British general Ross received his fatal wound, reviewed a brigade of militia, visited various public works, received and answered a congratulatory address from the Mayor and City Council, and on Tuesday continued his journey as far as New-Castle. His reply to the Mayor and City Council of Baltimore was in the following

words:

"FELLOW CITIZENS,-The sentiments which you have communicated, have afforded me very great satisfaction. They are just, as to the objects adverted to, and to me they are generous and kind.

"It was impossible for me to approach Baltimore, without recollecting,

* Mr. Shelby did not accept the apointment.

with deep interest, the gallant conduct of her citizens, in the late war and the happy results attending their exertions. The glorious victory which was achieved by her, and in which her citizens bore so distin guished a part, at a very important epoch, not only protected this patriotic city, but shed a great lustre on the American name.

"Experience has shown our dangers, and admonished us as to the means of averting them. Congress has appropriated large sums of money, for the fortification of our coast, and inland frontier, and for the establishment of naval dock-yards, and building a navy. It is proper that those works should be executed with judgment, fidelity, and economy. Much depends, in the execution, on the Executive, to whom extensive power is given, as to the general arrangement; and to whom the superintendence usually belongs. You do me justice in believing, that it is to enable me to discharge these duties, with the best advantage to my country, that I have undertaken this tour.

"From the increased harmony of public opinion, founded on the successful career of a government, which has never been equalled, and which promises, by a further developement of its faculties, to augment, in an eminent degree, the blessings of this favored people, I unite with you in all the anticipations which you have so justly suggested.

"In performing services, honestly and zealously intended for the benefit of my fellow citizens, I shall never entertain a doubt of their generous and firm support. Incapable of any feelings distinct from those of a citizen, I can assume no style, in regard to them, different from that character; and it is a source of peculiar delight to me, to know that, while the Chief Magistrate of the United States acts fully up to this principle, he will require no other guard than what may be derived from their confidence and affection."*

On Wednesday the President proceeded up the Delaware, and arrived at the navy-yard in Philadelphia between three and four o'clock on Thursday, in the barge of the Franklin seventy-four, in which Commodore Murray and Captain Stuart had gone down to Wilmington to receive him. Every respectful attention was paid to him in this city.

In the previous address of the Mayor was a passage which afforded the editor of the New-York Post an opportunity for the following pleasant sally.

"Among other topics," says the Post, "of which this famous speech was composed, the following pompous and important passage presents itself:

"That a city which bore so conspicuous a part in the national defence should first be honored with the presence of the Chief Magistrate of the Union, is as flattering as it is natural.'

"We cannot but accede to the truth of the observation, that it was natural that the President in his journey to the eastward, should visit Baltimore before he did Philadelphia, situated a hundred miles further on his route, nor enough admire the ngenuity that could turn such a circumstance into a flattering compliment to the former city. We should not have been surprised if the President, when he heard this, had cut Mr. Stiles as short, by expressing his entire satisfaction, as Henry IV. cut the French mayor, who came out to meet him on a similar occasion, and began a speech which he had prepared, containing ten reasons why they had not saluted his Majesty's approach with the discharge of cannon, the first of which was, that they had no cannon, when the King interrupted him, and told him he might spare himself the trouble of giving the other nine."