1774, in Philadelphia. The proceedings of the first Congress are too well known to be minutely detailed. They form one of the noblest chapters in the history, not only of our country, but of the world; and they have left to every American citizen a heritage of glory, before which all the fabled splendor which tradition has thrown around the origin of older nations, fades into insignificance. The public papers issued by them drew from Lord Chatham the compliment "that he had studied and admired the free states of antiquity, the master-spirits of the world; but that, for solidity of reasoning, force of sagacity, and wisdom of conclusion, no body of men could stand in preference to this Congress." The first session continued eight weeks, during which Mr. Adams was in active and constant attendance. He was a member of some of the most important committees, such as that which drew up a statement of the rights of the -colonies, and that which prepared the address to the King.

Mr. Adams and his colleagues, being inhabitants of the colony which had been the most oppressed and insulted, and in which the most determined spirit of opposition had been roused, were convinced of the entire impracticability of any reconciliation, and that it would be necessary to throw off the allegiance of the mother country, and to act as an independent nation. But these were by no means the sentiments and feelings of the inhabitants generally, and they were highly unpopular among them. Mr. Adams, in particular, from his ardent temperament and enthusiastic character, was an object of particular suspicion and dislike. He was charged not to make public the idea of a dissolution of the connexion, as it was as unpopular as the stamp act itself. He was even pointed at in the streets as the visionary advocate of the most desperate measures. His own views, and those of some of his most distinguished colleagues, may be learned from an extract from one of his own letters. "When Congress had finished their business, as they thought, in the autumn of 1774, I had with Mr. Henry, before we took leave of each other, some familiar conversation, in which I expressed a full conviction that our resolves, declarations of rights, enumeration of wrongs, petitions, remonstrances, and addresses, associations, and nonimportation agreements, however they might be expected in America, and however necessary to cement the union of the colonies, would be but waste water in England. Mr. Henry said they might make some impression among the people of England, but agreed with me that they would be totally lost upon the government. I had but just received a short and hasty letter, written to me by Major Joseph Hawley, of Northampton, containing a 'few broken hints,' as he called them, of what he thought was proper to be done, and concluding with these words, After all, we must fight.' This letter I read to Mr. Henry, who listened with great attention; and as soon as I had pronounced the words, 'After all, we must fight,' he raised his head, and, with an energy and vehemence that I can never forget, broke out with By God, I am of that man's mind.' I put the letter into his hand, and when he had read it he returned it to me, with an equally solemn asseveration, that he agreed entirely in opinion with the writer.

"The other delegates from Virginia returned to their state in full

confidence that all our grievances would be redressed. The last words that Mr. Richard Henry Lee said to me, when we parted, were, 'We shall infallibly carry all our points; you will be completely relieved; all the offensive acts will be repealed; the army and fleet will be recalled; and Britain will give up her foolish project.' Washington only was in doubt. He never spoke in public. In private he joined with those who advocated a nonexportation, as well as a nonimportation agreement. With both he thought we should prevail; without either he thought it doubtful. Henry was clear in one opinion, Richard Henry Lee in an opposite opinion, and Washington doubted between the two."

The sentiments of Mr. Lee, were those of the great majority of the nation. They were strongly attached to the mother country, and believed that the feeling was mutual. They felt confident both of her justice and generosity. But these fond anticipations were destined not to be realized. The ministers of England, at that time, were deficient in high, magnanimous, and statesman-like views, and were resolved to use no arguments but those of force. They, as well as the whole people, were ignorant, to a ludicrous degree, of the condition, extent, population, geography, and resources of the colonies. Even the Prime Minister talks of the "island" of Virginia.

The Congress adjourned in November, and Mr. Adams returned to his family. At this time, his literary talents were again called into exertion for the service of his country. His friend, Mr. Sewall, the Attorney General, had been publishing a series of able essays, under the name of Massachusettensis, contending for the supreme authority of the Parliament and against the revolutionary spirit of the country. Mr. Adams wrote a series of papers, under the name of Novanglus, in defence of the doctrines and conduct of the whigs. These are written with strength and ability, and are remarkable, as showing the extent of the author's general reading, and, in particular, his acquaintance with colonial history. This last merit, even his adversary was compelled to acknowledge. "Novanglus," he says, "strives to hide the inconsistencies of his hypothesis under a huge pile of learning." In writing these papers, Mr. Adams was embarrassed with peculiar difficulties. He was obliged to defend the principles of natural liberty and equality, to deny the authority of Parlia ment, but, at the same time, to acknowledge the rightful power of the King. To the monarch himself the people were so much attached, that even after the battle of Lexington, which, one would think, would have severed every tie which bound them to Great Britain, the militia that ha been engaged in actual battle with the royal forces, were called the "King's troops," and the regular soldiers were termed "Bute's men," in allusion to Lord Bute, who was highly unpopular, and was supposed to exercise a pernicious influence over the young King's mind.

Mr. Adams and his colleagues were reelected members of the Continental Congress, John Hancock being chosen in the place of Mr. Bowdoin. It assembled in Philadelphia, on the tenth of May, 1775. the month of April of that year, the first blood of the revolution had been shed at Lexington and Concord, and Congress were obliged to take measures for active resistance. Still, the minds of men were not ripe for

independence, and they clung to the hope that their grievances would be redressed. They took up arms in self-defence merely. It was necessary to select some one for the post of commander-in-chief of the forces raised, and to be raised. A short history of this transaction will afford proof of Mr. Adams' disinterested patriotism, and sacrifice of sectional prejudice to the common good.

The only thing like an army at that time in the country, was a handful of New-England militia, hastily assembled at Boston, in consequence of the skirmishes at Lexington and Concord. These were under the command of General Artemas Ward, whom the New-England delegation were desirous of having made commander-in-chief; but Mr. Adams urged them to lay aside all local partialities, and appoint Colonel George Washington, of Virginia, who had given proof of uncommon military talents in the French war. His colleagues were extremely averse to this plan. They thought it disrespectful to their own friends, to appoint a stranger, who had no higher rank than that of colonel, over the heads of generals, at the head of brigades and divisions. Mr. Adams persisted in his own views, and in the determination that Washington should be appointed. He was accordingly nominated the next day, by Governor Johnson, of Maryland, at the instigation of Mr. Adams, and seconded by him, to the great surprise of many of the members, and none more so, than of Washington himself, who was present as a member, and who, with characteristic modesty, immediately rose and left the house. It is needless to remark how honorable this selection was, not only to Mr. Adams' patriotism, but to his sagacity. It is impossible to say how large a part of the success of any undertaking is to be ascribed to the agency of any one individual, but it seems to us, that our revolutionary struggle, if it had been successful at all, must have been protracted many years longer, and have cost much more blood and treasure, if any other man than Washington had been at the head of our armies. Soon after the appointment of General Washington, Mr. Jefferson took his seat in Congress from Virginia, having been chosen in the place of Mr. Peyton Randolph, who had retired on account of ill health. Between him and Mr. Adams, a warm intimacy, arising from congeniality of feeling and agreement on the great points which agitated the minds of men, commenced, which continued, with some unfortunate interruptions, as long as they lived.

The Congress assembled again in the spring of 1776. At this time the feelings of the people had undergone a material change. The battle of Bunker Hill had been fought, and the British army had evacuated Boston. The Parliament had declared the provinces in a state of rebellion, and it was voted to raise and equip a force of twenty-eight thousand seamen and fifty-five thousand land troops. The indignation of the people was raised to the highest pitch, by learning that Lord North had engaged sixteen thousand German mercenaries, to assist in subduing them. To cherish the hope of an amicable adjustment of their differences, was little short of madness. The time had come for them to draw the sword and throw away the scabbard; to assume the erect attitude and bold tone of indevendence. Such had been Mr. Adams' opinions from the first com

mencement of the difficulties; and the time had now come, when it was no longer dangerous or inexpedient to express them. Accordingly, on the sixth of May, 1776, he moved in Congress a resolution, which was in fact a declaration of independence, recommending to the colonies "to adopt such a government as would, in the opinion of the representatives of the people, best conduce to the happiness and safety of their constituents and of America."

This proposition was adopted on the tenth. On the same day, the Massachusetts House of Representatives voted a resolution, that if the Congress should think proper to declare independence, they were ready to support it with their lives and fortunes.

Five days afterwards, Mr. Adams reported and advocated a preamble to the resolutions already passed, which, after reciting the insults and aggressions of the British government, and that they had called in the assistance of foreign mercenaries, proceeded in the following terms; "Whereas it appears absolutely irreconcilable to reason and good conscience, for the people of these colonies now to take the oaths and affirmations necessary for the support of any government under the crown of Great Britain, and it is necessary that the exercise of every kind of authority under the said crown should be totally suppressed, and all the powers of government exerted under the authority of the people of the colonies, for the preservation of internal peace, virtue, and good order, as well as for the defence of their lives, liberties, and properties, against the hostile invasions and cruel depredations of their enemies."

This preamble was adopted, after an animated discussion. It was published for the consideration of the colonies. They all expressed a wish for independence; North Carolina being the first, and Pennsylvania the last, to make it publicly known.

It now remained to issue a formal Declaration of Independence, in the name of the United Colonies. Virginia being the leading state, it was thought proper that the motion should proceed from one of her delegation. Richard Henry Lee, being chosen by his colleagues, offered, on the seventh of June, the glorious and immortal resolution, "that these United Colonies are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states; that they are absolved from all allegiance to the British crown; and that all political connexion between them and the state of Great Britain is, and of right ought to be, totally dissolved." This motion was seconded by Mr. Adams, and was debated with great warmth till the tenth, when the further discussion of it was postponed till the first of July. At the same time, it was voted, that a committee be appointed to prepare a draft of a declaration, to be submitted to Congress for its consideration. This committee was chosen by ballot, and consisted of Thomas Jefferson, John Adams, Benjamin Franklin, Roger Sherman, and Robert R. Livingston ; being arranged in order, according to the number of votes which each had received. Mr. Jefferson and Mr. Adams, being at the head of the committee, were requested by the other members to act as a sub.com. mittee, to prepare the draft; and Mr. Jefferson, at Mr. Adams' earnest request, drew up the paper.

The declaration was reported to Congress by the committee, on the

first day of July. Mr. Lee's original resolution was passed on the second and on the fourth, the Declaration of Independence, after having under gone a few changes, was adopted in the committee of the whole. It was not engrossed and signed, however, till the second of August. We omit to make any remarks on the Declaration itself, as they more properly belong to the life of Jefferson.

During all the discussions that preceded this important measure, and they were long and animated, Mr. Adams took the lead. Mr. Jefferson has said, "that the great pillar of support to the Declaration of Independence, and its ablest advocate and champion on the floor of the house, was John Adams." On another occasion, he said of him, " He was our Colossus on the floor. Not graceful, not elegant, not always fluent in his public addresses, he yet came out with a power, both of thought and expression, which moved us from our seats."

The Congress of the Revolution debated with closed doors, and their discussions are preserved only by memory and tradition. The late Governor M'Kean, of Pennsylvania, said, on this point, "I do not recollect any formal speeches, such as are made in the British Parliament, and our late Congress, to have been made in the Revolutionary Congress; we had no time to hear such speeches, little for deliberation; action was the order of the day."

The eloquence of Mr. Adams was precisely adapted to the state of the times. It was manly and energetic, warmed and animated by his ardent temperament, and bold, independent character. He has indeed, without being conscious of it, drawn the character of his own eloquence: "Oratory, as it consists in expressions of the countenance, graces of attitude and motion, and intonation of voice, although it is altogether superficial and ornamental, will always command admiration; yet it deserves little veneration. Flashes of wit, coruscations of imagination, and gay pictures, what are they? Strict truth, rapid reason, and pure integrity, are the only ingredients in sound oratory. I flatter myself that Demosthenes, by his action! action! action!' meant to express the same opinion."

On the day after the Declaration of Independence was passed, while his soul was yet warm with the glow of excited feeling, he wrote a letter to his wife, which, as we read it now, seems to have been dictated by the spirit of prophecy. "Yesterday," he says, "the greatest question was decided that ever was debated in America; and greater, perhaps, never was or will be decided among men. A resolution was passed, without one dissenting colony, that these United States are, and of right ought to be, free and independent states.' The day is passed. The fourth of July, 1776, will be a memorable epoch in the history of America. I am apt to believe it will be celebrated, by succeeding generations, as the great anniversary festival. It ought to be commemorated as the day of deliverance, by solemn acts of devotion to Almighty God. It ought to be solemnized with pomps, shows, games, sports, guns, bells, bonfires, and illuminations, from one end of the continent to the other, from this time forward for ever. You will think me transported with enthusiasm, but I am not. I am well aware of the toil, and blood, and treasure, that