tending to show that it was not a measure of hostility or coercion, as applied to France. SENATE. ders in Council. Mr. H. said he would examine this a little, and see if all the evil consequences On England it had little or no effect. Her re- which opened on him at the time of the passage sources were immense. If deprived of a supply of the embargo law were not likely to be realized. of grain here, she could obtain it elsewhere. The He had hinted at some of them at that time, but Barbary Powers were at war with France and at the bill had gone through the Senate like a flash peace with England, who might thence obtain of lightning, giving no time for examination; wheat in any quantity she pleased. Great Brit- once, twice, and a third time in one day, affordain, he said, was a nation with the whole worlding no time for the development of all its consebefore her; her commerce spread over every sea, quences. This article of cotton was used not only and she had access to almost every port and clime. by Britain but by France and other nations on Could America expect to starve this nation? It the Continent. Cotton, not being grown in Euwas a farce, an idle farce. As to her West India rope, must be transported by water carriage. This islands, they raised Indian corn; all their sugar being the case, who would now be most likely to plantations could be converted into corn-fields, be supplied with it? Not the Continental Powand would any man say that they would starve ers who have so little commerce afloat nor any because they could not get superfine flour? Was neutrals to convey it to them; for the United this a necessary of life without which they could States were the only neutral which, of late, traded not subsist? On the contrary, a great proportion with France, and now the embargo was laid, she of the American people subsisted on it, and en- had no chance of getting it, except by the precajoyed as good health as if they ate nothing but rious captures made by her privateers. To Great the finest of wheat flour. The moment people Britain, then, was left the whole commerce of the understood that they could not get their necessary world, and her merchants were the only carriers. supplies from a customary source, they would Would not these carriers supply their own manlook out for it in another quarter, and ample time ufacturers? Would they suffer cotton to go elsehad been given to them to make arrangements for where, until they themselves were supplied? this purpose. A man of the first respectability in America was not the only country where cotton the town in which Mr. H. lived, had been there was raised; for he had seen an account of a during this embargo, under the President's per- whole cargo brought into Salem from the East mission. What accounts did he bring? Why, Indies, and thence exported to Holland, with a that the trade in corn meal and live cattle, arti- good profit. Cotton was also raised in Africa, as cles of great export from Connecticut, and com- well as elsewhere; and this wary nation, Great prising not only the product of that State, but of Britain, conceiving that the United States might parts of the neighboring States, would be entire- be so impolitic as to keep on the embargo, had ly defeated; that, where they had formerly sent carried whole cargoes of the best cotton seed there a hundred hogsheads of meal, they would not now for the purpose of raising cotton for her use. find vent for ten; and that, from South America, Great Britain had possessions in every climate on where cattle had, in times past, been killed mere- the globe, and cotton did not, like the sturdy oak, ly for their hides and tallow, cattle in abundance require forty or fifty years to arrive at maturity; could be procured. Were these people to be but, if planted, would produce a plentiful supply starved out, when they could actually purchase in a year. Thus, then, when this powerful nation cheaper now from other places than they had form- found America resorting to such means to coerce erly done from us? No; the only consequence her, she had taken care to look out for supplies in would be, and that too severely felt, that we should other quarters; and, with the command of all the lose our markets; the embargo thus producing, not cotton on the globe which went to market, could only present privation and injury, but permanent we expect to coerce her by withholding ours? mischief. The United States would have lost the Mr. H. said no; all the inconvenience which she chance of obtaining future supplies, they would could feel from our measure had already been have lost their market, and ten or twenty years borne; and Great Britain was turning her attenwould place them on the same footing as before. tion to every part of the globe to obtain those Mr. H. said, the West Indians would have learnt supplies which she was wont to get from us, that that they can do without us; that they can raise she might not be reduced to the humiliating conprovisions cheaper on their own plantations than dition of making concession to induce us to repeal we can sell them; and knowing this, they would our own law, and purchase an accommodation by I never resort to us. Though we might retain a telling us that we had a weapon which we could part of this commerce, the best part would be lost wield to her annoyance. Mr. H. wished to know forever. The trade would not be worth pursuing; of gentlemen if we had not experience enough to though this might answer one purpose intended know that Great Britain was not to be threatened by the embargo, and which was not expressed. into compliance by a rod of coercion? Let us examine ourselves, said he, for if we trace our genealogy we shall find that we descend from them; were they to use us in this manner, is there an American that would stoop to them? I hope not; and neither will that nation, from which we are descended, be driven from their position, however erroneous, by threats. Having considered the article of provisions as important to various parts of the Union, Mr. H. said he would now turn to another article, cotton. It had been very triumphantly said, that the want of this article would distress the manufacturers of Great Britain, produce a clamor amongst them, and consequently accelerate the repeal of the Or This embargo, therefore, instead of operating on those nations which had been violating our rights, was fraught with evils and privations to the people of the United States. They were the sufferers. And have we adopted the monkish plan of Scourging ourselves for the sins of others? He hoped not; and that, having made the experiment and found that it had not produced its expected, effect, they would abandon it as a measure wholly, inefficient as to the objects intended by it, and as having weakened the great hold which we had on Great Britain, from her supposed dependence' on us for raw materials. NOVEMBER, 1808. carried on commerce notwithstanding. Supplies went hence, and manufactures were received from Europe. Now, what reliance could be placed on this patriotism? A gentleman from Vermont had told the Senate at the last session that the patriotism of Vermont would stop all exportation by land, without the assistance of the law. How had it turned out? Why, patriotism, cannon, militia, and all had not stopped it; and although the field pieces might have stopped it on the Lakes, they were absolutely cutting new roads to carry it on by land. And yet the gentleman had supposed that their patriotism would effectually Some gentlemen appeared to build up expecta- stop it! Now Mr. H. wanted to know how a nontions of the efficiency of this system by an addi- intercourse law was to be executed by us with a tion to it of a non-intercourse law. Mr. H. coast of fifteen hundred miles open to Great Brittreated this as a futile idea. They should, how-ain by sea, and joining her by land? Her goods ever examine it seriously, and not like children, would come through our Courts of Admiralty by shut their eyes to danger. Great Britain was not the means of friendly captors; they would be the only manufacturing nation in Europe. Ger- brought in, condemned, and then naturalized, as many, Holland, France, Spain, Portugal, and Irishmen are now naturalized, before they have Italy, manufactured more or less, and most of been a month in the country. them had colonies, the exclusive supply of whose manufactures they had heretofore reserved to themselves. While we had enjoyed the carrying trade. we had supplied the deficiency in navigation of those nations; and all the inconvenience felt for the want of it ceased because we stepped in and aided them. This trade had been cut up, and perhaps it was not a trade which the energies of the nation should be embarked in defending. Who was there now to supply all these various colonies that used to be supplied by us? None but England, the sole mistress of the ocean. Whose products, then, would Great Britain carry? Would she carry products of other nations and let her own manufacturers starve? No; and this exclusion from the colonies of other manufactures, and leaving her merchants the sole carriers of the world, produced a greater vent for her manufactures than the whole quantity consumed in the United States. Mr. H. went on at some length to show the impracticability of enforcing a non-intercourse law on our citizens. It had been said that the embargo should not be raised, because there was no commerce that could now be safely pursued. He was astonished that gentlemen should introduce this argument, as it went upon the ground that France and England could mutually arrest our commerce with each other. If this were really the fact, merchants, who were so nice in their calculations, would not risk their property. The insurance offices were perfect thermometers by which to calculate the degree of risk in any commerce. They always made their calculations on the safe side, and it would be found that no property was more sought after than insurance stock, and this was because the institutions were usually conducted by cautious merchants. A few harumscarum individual merchants might engage in hazardous enterprises and lose all. Such men would never be controlled by law or prudent considerations. But the great body of merchants would always regulate the course of trade, and there was no need of an embargo to save them from running too great a risk. This, however, was arguing upon the ground that the United States would consume none of her manufactures in case of a non-intercourse. Mr. H. said he was young when the old non-intercourse took place, but he remembered it well, and had then his ideas on the subject. The British army was then at their door, burning their towns and How had they done in times past? Laws had ravaging the country, and at least as much patri- been in force making it unlawful to trade with otism existed then as now; but British fabrics the Spanish possessions in South America; but were received and consumed to almost as great we had nevertheless carried on a profitable trade an extent as before the prohibition. The armies there, and not all the vigilance of Spain could could not get fresh provisions from Europe, but prevent it. Now and then a few of our citizens they got them here by paying higher prices in had been caught and imprisoned, but that had not guineas for them than was paid by our Govern- stopped our trade; nor was it in the power of ment in ragged continental paper money. When France and England combined to do it. On this the country was in want of clothing, and could subject, Mr. H. said, gentlemen took for granted get it for one-fourth price from the British, what what was not true. France had issued her dewas the consequence? Why, all the zealous pat- cree, saying that no vessel should navigate to riots-for this work of tarring and feathering, and England or her dependencies. What had been meeting in mobs to destroy their neighbor's prop- the consequence of this decree? It had not raised erty, because he could not think quite as fast as insurance five per centum. Had there been no they did, which seemed to be coming in fashion good reason for this? Yes; it was well known now, had been carried on then with great zeal-that the whole combined navy of France was not these patriots, although all intercourse was penal, able to meet a British fleet on the ocean. The NOVEMBER, 1808. The Embargo. SENATE. French ships of war, therefore, could never go out | Were they to embark in a conflict to prevent their but by stealth, and could not spread over the citizens from doing this? All this smuggling ocean so as to endanger our commerce. Insur- work, where it was not under the sanction of ance had therefore been very little affected; and laws of the United States, reflected no disgrace was it worth while to abandon trade with Eng- on the honor of the nation, which was not reland altogether because France said we must not sponsible for it. carry it on? This was revenging ourselves upon them with a witness! After the embargo had been laid-for, at that time, he affirmed they had no knowledge of the British orders-some newspaper speculations on the subject had appeared, but the orders were not officially communicated by the President till the 4th of February ensuing-what said England? You shall not trade to France, said she. England had it in her power to enforce her decree, and the insurance rising proportionably, the merchant had it in his power to say whether his probable profits would justify his sending a cargo to France under so great an insurance. But he asked a question now as to our interest simply, excluding other forcible considerations-when it was not in the power of France to enforce her decrees, and it was in the power of England to enforce her orders in a very great extent, would it have been good policy to involve ourselves in a maritime war with England, who had overcome all the combined fleets of Europe, for the sake of defending our trade with France? If any trade cost more than it was worth, Mr. H. said it was our interest to abandon it. But there was another danger attendant on our trade to France, and which had ever attended it-sequestration. American property was very apt to be sequestered; and, in enforcing their Berlin decree, the French had thought proper to burn our vessels; and though it had been said that the Berlin decree had never been applied to us before the case of the Horizon, yet vessels had been sequestered in February, 1807, sold, and the money retained, and would probably never be restored. This sequestration had been practised in the French ports more or less since the commencement of the Revolution, and we had never got one dollar as compensation. To be sure, in the Treaty of Louisiana, we had been allowed to pay money to our own citizens, but it had never come out of French coffers. Was it worth our while engage in a maritime war with England to support a trade with France? Mr. H. said no; cur interest would not have warranted it. For, notwithstanding all that France could do, at a risk of five per cent. we might have had a trade with the British islands, Sweden, Portugal, the East Indies, the British West India islands, and other countries-a profitable trade, too. But gentlemen said, would they submit to pay tribute to Great Britain? No. This tribute was but a mere name. They must pay tribute for going from England to France, where they would be captured as a matter of course, because they had touched English ground. It was a tribute to be paid in a case which would never happen-a mere nullity. But, said gentlemen, there are American vessels which have gone to England, the embargo notwithstanding, and thence to various ports of the Continent, by the aid of false papers. If there were nothing that would commit the honor of the nation in the way of it, Mr. H. said it would be the interest of this nation to abandon its commerce with France, not only on account of the risk in carrying it on, but on account of the risk after it gets into port. Mr. Armstrong said-but he would not allude to him, for fear he might tread on confidential ground; however, accounts had been received from our Consuls and merchants, that whenever it suited the convenience of the French nation to lay their hands on American property, they had done it ; and, therefore, our trade to that country was on a very insecure footing indeed. But, said gentlemen, if they allowed our vessels to trade to England and not to France, it was a submission to her orders, and a resignation of our independence; therefore, the embargo must be maintained to keep on equal ground. I could never see, observed Mr. H., how the embargo was the means of preserving the honor of the nation. These nations say we shall not trade; and, therefore, by an embargo, we destroy our commerce. This is magnanimous, indeed. It is a new way of preserving commerce; because foreign nations say we shall not follow it, we say we will abandon it. Do we not comply with the requisition of these nations completely; more than comply, for we surrender all commerce. It is the most tame surrender of our rights. to But, said gentlemen, we must have embargo or war. This, Mr. H. said, had been urged in public debate, in the newspapers, and almost all communications they had received. For his part he could not see how a repeal of the embargo was to involve us in war, except it were, as was said last winter, that Bonaparte would have no neutrals; and, therefore, if we did not continue the embargo, he would declare war against us. Was this a ground on which to surrender commerce, and subject all our citizens to inconvenience because he would otherwise declare war? What more could he do than he had done? What more than burn our ships and sequester our property? He could do no more. Why, then, should they be terrified thus? If war came thus, let it come. Mr. H. said he was not for declaring war against any nation, but he was for authorizing the arming our commerce, for authorizing our merchants to defend those maritime rights which were clear and indisputable; and this would not be war, for no nation, not predetermined to make war, would make war upon us for defending our maritime rights. I should not, said he, be willing to go to war for doubtful rights, as that of the carrying trade between the mother country and her colonies; but our indisputable neutral rights I am for defending, not abandoning. Mr. H. said he thought when the embargo was laid, though, perhaps, he had been singular in the opinion, that it was intended as a permanent measure; that the real object was not what had been expressed in the Message, but to put down commerce and set up manufactures; to convert all our commercial capital into manufactures, and all our commercial men into manufacturers; and many honest politicians had thought it would be a practicable, and useful, and beneficial plan, though the contrary had ever been his opinion. In confirmation of his opinion, Mr. H. said, when they looked over official and other publications which bore the stamp of authority, or were considered as being approved by the constituted authorities of the country, they were told that the agriculturist and manufacturer should be planted side by side, and that they should sit at their own doors, clothed in their own manufactures of those articles which they had before received from others. These ideas could never be realized but by abandoning commerce. NOVEMBER, 1808. but the reason the gentleman had given for it was a very extraordinary one, for when an objection had been made to the appointment of this committee it had been answered that its appointment would not at all interfere with his (Mr. H.'s) resolution; upon which ground no opposition had been made to the appointment of the committee. Mr. POPE said it had been his opinion this morning that this resolution should have been referred to that committee, but after what had been said, it was his wish that some commercial gentleman, whose knowledge of commercial subjects would enable him to explore the wide field taken by the gentleman from Connecticut, would have answered him. He had hoped, at this session, after the Presidential election was decided, that all would have dismounted from their political hobbies, that they would have been all Federalists, all Republicans, all Americans. When they saw the ocean swarming with pirates, and commerce almost annihilated, he had hoped that the demon of party spirit would not have reared its Mr. H. here went at some length into a discussion on the subject of manufactures, using arguments tending to demonstrate that large manu-head within these walls, but that they would all factories are as unsuitable to the genius of a free people as to the peculiar habits of the people of the United States. M. H. said no man was more desirous to obey the laws of his country than he was; but in a free country laws could not be forced down. Either by force, or in some other way, the people would get rid of a disagreeable law. They always had and always would do it. Therefore, attempting this system was prostrating the dig. nity of the Government and teaching the people to trample on the constituted authorities. He wished to see the magistracy of a free country omnipotent in its laws; but if, by projects of this kind, the people were driven to opposition, they would not confine themselves to the Constitutional remedy, but feeling their power, would exercise it with violence. Therefore, when a measure was found not to operate right, they should retreat, and they might do it too with a good grace, for it would be for the honor of the nation that they should retrace their steps. have mingled opinions and consulted the common good. He had heretofore been often charmed with the matter-of-fact arguments of the gentleman from Connecticut; but on this day the gentleman had resorted to arguments from newspapers, and revived all the old story of French influence, in the same breath in which he begged them to discard all party feelings and discuss with candor. The gentleman had gone into a wide field, which Mr. H. said he would not now explore, but begged time till to-morrow, when he would endeavor to show to the nation and to the world that the arguments used by the gentleman in favor of his resolution were most weighty against it. If patriotism had departed the land, if the streams of foreign corruption had flowed so far that the people were ready to rise in opposition to their Government, it was indeed time that foreign intercourse should cease. If the spirit of 1776 were no more-if the spirit of commercial speculation had surmounted all patriotism-if this was the melancholy situation of the United States, it was time to redeem the people from this degeneracy, to regenerate them, to cause them to be born again of the spirit of 1776. But he be lieved he should be able to show that the proposi tion of the gentleman from Connecticut hardly merited the respect or serious consideration of this honorable body. Mr. P. said he had expected that in advocating his resolution the gentleman would have told the Senate that we should go to war with Great Britain and France; that he would have risen with patriotic indignation and have called for a more efficient measure. But to his surprise, the gentleman had risen, and with the utmost sang froid told them, let your ships go out, all's well, and nothing is to be apprehended. Mr. P. said he would not go into the subject at this moment; he had but risen to express his feelings on the occasion. He wished the subject postponed, the more because he wished Mr. HILLHOUSE said he had no objection that to consult a document just laid on their table, to the subject should be postponed till to-morrow, I see how the memorials presented a short time ago Mr. H. said he imagined some ulterior steps might be proper if the embargo were raised; but, on conversing with members, he had found so many different opinions to prevail, that he had not coupled anything with this. When the embargo should have been done away, no doubt the councils of the nation would come to some result and adopt some measure which would take its place. For all these reasons, Mr. H. concluded by saying that he was clearly of opinion that his resolution should be adopted, and the embargo repealed. Mr. BRADLEY moved the postponement of the further consideration of the subject till to-morrow. A committee had been appointed by the House on this subject, and the present agitation of the subject must paralyze the proceedings of the committee, if not operate against its total dissolution. NOVEMBER, 1808. The Embargo. SENATE. to great embarrassment, vexation, and plunder, from the belligerents of Europe. There is no doubt but both France and Great Britain have violated the laws of nations, and immolated the rights of neutrals; but there is, in my opinion, a striking difference in the circumstances of the two nations; the one, instigated by a lawless thirst of universal domination, is seeking to extend an iron from those whose cause the gentleman from Connecticut undertook to advocate, accorded with the sentiments he had this day expressed for them. Mr. HILLHOUSE said he should have been much gratified if the gentleman from Kentucky had confined his remarks to argument, without making a personal attack on him. Mr. H. said he had arraigned no party, charged none with party views or corruption. He could not see where the gen-handed, merciless despotism over every region of tleman found ground for personality; for Mr. H. said he never did use it himself, nor ever would. Mr. LLOYD said as it was an exceedingly interesting subject, and had been ten days before the House, and put off with as much civility as possible to accommodate gentlemen, he wished that the subject might progress in regular discussion, not expecting, however, that it would be decided to-day or to-morrow. the globe; while the other is fighting for her natale solum. for the preservation of her liberties, and probably for her very existence. The one professes to reluct at the inconvenience she occasions you by the adoption of measures, which are declared to be intended merely as measures of retaliation on her enemies, and which she avows she will retract, as soon as the causes which occasion them are withdrawn. The other, in addition to depredation and conflagration, treats you with the utmost contumely and disdain; she admits not that you possess the rights of sovereignty and independence, but undertakes to legislate for you, and declares that, whether you are willing or unwilling, she considers you as at war with her enemy; that she had arrested your property, and would hold it as bail for your obedience, until she knew whether you would servilely echo submission to her mandates. Mr. S. SMITH said that if the honorable gentleman last up had a design to give a view of the subject such as it deserved, he should be glad to hear him. The gentleman was capable of giving a correct view of the subject, and perhaps had prepared his mind on it. Mr. S. confessed his own negligence in not being prepared; but if the gentleman from Massachusetts would give a commercial view of the subject, he hoped the gentleman from Vermont would withdraw his motion. Mr. LLOYD said this was so interesting a sub- There is no doubt that the conduct of these ject that he could not be silent on it. Whether belligerents gave rise to the embargo; but if this he should give that chaste view of the subject of measure has been proved by experience to be inwhich the gentleman from Maryland was ca-operative as it regards them, and destructive only pable, he could not say. If the Senate would in- as it respects ourselves, then every dictate of magdulge him, however, he would express those ideas nanimity, of wisdom, and of prudence, should urge which immediately occurred to him on the sub- the immediate repeal of it. jeet. The propriety of doing this is now under disMr. BRADLEY withdrew his motion for post-cussion. The proposition is a naked one; it is ponement. Mr. LLOYD said he considered the question now under discussion as one of the most important that has occurred since the adoption of the Federal Constitution. It is a subject, said Mr. L., deeply implicating, and perhaps determining, the fate of the commerce and navigation of our country; a commerce which has afforded employment for nearly a million and a half of tons of navigation; which has found occupation for hundreds of thousands of our citizens; which has spread wealth and prosperity in every region of our country, and which has upheld the Government by furnishing the revenue for its support. unconnected with ulterior measures; and gentlemen who vote for its repeal ought not to be considered as averse from, and they are not opposed to, the subsequent adoption of such other measures as the honor and the interest of the country may require. In considering this subject, it naturally presents itself under three distinct heads: 1st. As it respects the security which it gave to our navigation, and the protection it offered our seamen, which were the ostensible objects of its adoption. 2dly. In reference to its effect on other nations, meaning France and Great Britain, in coercing them to adopt a more just and honorable course of policy towards us: and, 3dly. As it regards the effects which it has produced and will produce among ourselves. A commerce which has yielded an annual amount of exports exceeding one hundred millions of dollars; an amount of exports three times as great as was possessed by the first maritime and commercial nation of the world at the commenceIn thus considering it, sir, I shall only make a ment of the last century, when her population few remarks on the first head. I have no desire was double that of the United States at this time; to indulge in retrospections; the measure was an amount of exports equal to what Great Brit-adopted by the Government; if evil has flowed ain, with her navy of a thousand ships, and with all her boasted manufactures, possessed even at so recent a period as within about fifteen years from this date: surely this is a commerce not to be trifled with; a commerce not lightly to be offered up as the victim of fruitless experiment. Our commerce has unquestionably been subject from it, that evil cannot now be recalled. If |