SENATE.

The Embargo.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

vert their sugar plantations into cornfields for belligerent Powers of Europe to our feet. In the subsistence; if it will produce a scarcity of cot-prophetic language of the President, it was to ton in Great Britain, or enhance the price; if by "keep in safety our merchandise, our vessels, and a non-importation act we can deprive her of a our seamen, those essential resources ;" and we market for a large portion of her manufactures. were told, on all sides, by the numerous advocates the present system, with the addition of a non- of the measure, that it would speedily bring the importation act, if firmly adhered to, and well French and British Governments to a sense of executed, may have the desired effect. When I justice. But has it, or is it likely to accomplish cast my eyes over these States, and observe the any of these desirable objects? I grant you, it freedom and happiness they enjoy, I feel con- has kept our merchandise in safety, if by that was strained to pause, before I consent to take a step intended to lock up in our barns and storehouses which will involve them in the calamities of all the produce of our country to rot upon our war. When I consider the peculiar character of hands. And as to our dismantled, ark-roofed vesthe contest between the two great belligerents of sels, they are indeed decaying in safety at our Europe, I feel very unwilling to be drawn into wharves; presenting daily to the merchant a mel the vortex, lest the fate of this happy nation may ancholy memento of his present or approaching become too closely connected with the destiny of ruin, and forming a suitable monument to the one or the other of these contending Powers. At memory of our departed commerce. But, where the same time that I consider it my duty to make are your seamen? Gone, sir; driven into foreign war the last alternative, I know the American exile in search of subsistence. The very measpeople would prefer to meet it, rather than sub-ure that was to preserve them to their country mit to a sacrifice of their national independence. has banished them from it, and many of them The conduct of the belligerents, and the state of forever. Even the vigilance and terrors of our our country, furnish strong reasons for believing gunboat navy have not been sufficient to confine that the period is not distant, when this alterna- and starve them in our ports. But, sir, the most tive must be accepted, if the present system should mortifying disappointment we have to sustain, is prove inefficient. I hope I have not, in the warmth the total indifference with which this boasted of debate, violated that decorum which the dig-measure of our Administration has been treated nity of the Senate requires to be observed. I by both the belligerents. Instead of coercing certainly have not intended it. I shall conclude them to do us justice, we now know officially that it with requesting gentlemen to reflect, that in this is neither felt nor thought of in France; and the hour of difficulty and danger unanimity consti- British, so far from offering us terms on the subtutes the basis of our national security. ject, will not even ask us to take it off. Here, I Mr. WHITE. I have listened with great pleas-will beg leave to read a short passage from Mr. ure to the gentleman from Kentucky, (Mr. POPE.) Canning's letter to Mr. Pinkney, of the 23d of who has just sat down; but, although entertain- September last, showing most distinctly the sense ed with his eloquence, have not been convinced and determination of the British Government on by his arguments. I shall not follow him through this subject: the New England memorials, nor discuss with "His Majesty (says Mr. Canning) sees nothing in him the policy of a non-intercourse law, as that the embargo laid on by the President of the United is not the question before the Senate; neither States of America, which varies this original and simshall I join issue with him as to the apparent ex-ple state of the question. If considered as a measure pediency of laying an embargo at the last session of Congress; but I will endeavor to show that the operation of this measure upon the country, has been such as now calls most imperiously upon this body to pass the resolution before us. The importance of this subject is admitted on all sides, and the anxiety known to exist throughout every section, and almost in every individual of the community, in relation to the decision now about to be had upon it, is the fullest evidence of the deep and unusual degree of interest universally felt throughout the country, and attaches to the vote we are to give the highest responsibility. Such a responsibility I am not willing to meet without assigning some of the reasons that influence my opinion. And this I shall do the more cheerfully, as I know they will be in conformity with the sentiments of a vast portion of those I have the honor to represent. The embargo, when laid, was admitted to be a mere experiment, but one which we were admonished not to resist, as it was to do great things for the United States. It was, in a few months, to reduce the West Indies to a state of starvation, and to bring the two great

of impartial hostility against both belligerents, the embargo appears to His Majesty to have been manifestly unjust, as, according to every principle of justice, that redress ought to have been first sought from the party originating the wrong; and His Majesty cannot consent to buy off that hostility which America ought not to have extended to him, at the expense of a conces sion made, not to America, but to France.

"If, as it has been more generally represented by the Government of the United States, the embargo ulation, which affects none but the United States themis only to be considered as an innocent, municipal regselves, and with which no foreign State has any concern; viewed in this light, His Majesty does not conceive that he has the right, or the pretension, to make any complaint of it, and he has made none. But in this light there appears not only no reciprocity, but no assignable relation between the repeal by the United States of a measure of voluntary self-restriction, and the surrender by His Majesty of his right of retaliation against his enemies."

Here the embargo, as a measure of coercion or retaliation on our part, is officially treated by the British Minister even with ridicule; he tauntingly admits, indeed, what is unfortunately too

true, that it is a regulation which affects none but the United States themselves, and tells us that His Majesty neither does nor means to complain of it. And although the gentleman from Kentucky informs us, he has not met with, yet I have seen a recent report made by a French Minister to the Emperor, in which the embargo is approved of and applauded as, what it really is, a measure favorable to them, and an act of great self-denial on our part. Under all these circumstances, and every gentleman here knows the facts I state to be correct, why, in the name of Heaven, continue It? What beneficial end can it produce? The country is, at this moment, bleeding at every pore under it, without the remotest prospect or probability of ultimately deriving the least possible advantage or security from the measure. And as it is not among the least discouraging of the circumstances belonging to the present state of things, that we are able to make no calculation as to the probable time when we shall see the end of the evil; for, upon the same principle that the embargo is continued now, it may be continued for twenty or for forty years, or at least during the war between the two great contending Powers of Europe, which. I presume, no gentleman here expects will be at an end in the life of the present Emperor of France, and as long as an Englishman exists with the means and courage to defend the independence of his country.

SENATE.

ed of the impolicy of this measure, and would willingly get rid of it, if they could do so, consistently with the character of infallibility they wish to preserve in the public opinion. I deduce this conclusion from the offer they say they have recently made to the British Government to take off the embargo as to them, and to continue it as to France, provided they would rescind their Orders of Council. An offer, which, if indeed made unencumbered with other terms, is a complete acknowledgment of a conviction of error on the part of the Administration; because, after they had subjected the country to all the deprivations, and ruinous effects of the embargo for more than six months, it was coming to the precise ground we were requested to take in relation to France, by the British Government, a year before the embargo was laid, in the famous note of Lords Holland and Auckland to Messrs. Monroe and Pinkney, accompanying the British Treaty formed by those gentlemen. All they then asked of us was, that we should "not acquiesce in the palpable violation of our rights directed by the Berlin decree if attempted to be enforced ;" and surely they could not have contemplated more than that, if France did attempt to enforce that decree; we would interdict all intercourse with her, and continue our commerce with Great Britain; which would be the very effect of the stipulation recently proposed. This proposition from the British Government, however, in December, 1806, was spurned with disdain; and now, after the country is half ruined with the experiment of a perpetual embargo, such as I believe was never before practised upon any people, we condescend to beg those very terms, and they refuse to grant them. Sir, the truth is, the Administration must now be convinced that the embargo is injuring no one but ourselves, and us it must eventually ruin if persisted in. I regret, too, this proposition was made, because it has furnished to Mr. Canning an opportunity of offering a most sarcastic insult to the Government of this country. He tells Mr. Pinkney in reply to it, that "His Majesty would not hesitate to contribute in any manner in his pow

I am willing to believe, and do believe, what the honorable gentleman from Kentucky has just now in substance declared, that the gentlemen who supported the embargo laws at the last session upon this floor, supposed they would be speedily productive of great and beneficial results upon our foreign relations; that they would bring the two great belligerents, and especially England, to just and reasonable terms; and that there would be no occasion for continuing them longer than till they should be known on the other side of the Atlantic. But in all this they now see and know their mistake; they now know, from the most authentic sources, that these laws have produced no alteration in the conduct of either France or England in relation to us; that, in fact.er to restore to the commerce of the United they are applauded by the one, and treated with contempt and derision by the other, while we are ourselves the suffering and bleeding victims of the rack upon which we vainly expected to torture them.

States its wonted activity; and if it were possible to make any sacrifice for the repeal of the embargo, without appearing to deprecate it as a measure of hostility, he would gladly have fa'cilitated its removal as a measure of inconveni

Majesty would not hesitate to contribuie in any manner in his power to restore to the commerce of the United States its wonted activity, and if it were possible, without any sacrifice, for the repeal of the embargo, would gladly facilitate its removal as a measure of inconvenient restriction upon the American people." I have no faith, Mr. President, in the sincerity of this profession; but I feel most sensibly the severity of the sarcasm, as applied to a measure of our Administration that we were confidently told was to bring England

It is the fate of humanity to err; the wisest andent restriction upon the American people." His the best of men are liable to it. And all we ask of these honorable gentlemen now, is to come out openly and acknowledge, in the face of the nation, the egregious mistake into which they fell, and unite with us in redressing the injuries and healing the wounds they have so unnecessarily inflicted upon their devoted country. I make this appeal to them with the more confidence, because I know every gentleman here has too much character and patriotism to be influenced by the pride of opinion to consistency in political error. I will submit to you, Mr. President, whether we have not before us sufficient evidence to show that I will now, sir, with the indulgence of the Senthe Administration themselves are now convinc- | ate, endeavor to examine, as concisely and as cor

to our own terms.

SENATE.

The Embargo.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

in stating, that the embargo is a premium sufficient to stimulate them to this exertion, and to enable them ultimately to supplant us in the sale of this very valuable staple of some of our Southern States. And the intimate connexion known at present to exist between the British Govern. ment and the Regency of that country, will great

rectly as I am capable of, the operation of theries of England. Surely, then, I shall be correct embargo upon the commerce and general prosperity of the United States. According to the last report of the Secretary of the Treasury, it will be found, that the goods, wares, and merchandise, of foreign growth and manufacture, exported from the United States in the year prior to the first day of October, 1807, amounted to $59,643,558. All the revenue, all the national and com-ly aid in producing this result. mercial wealth that would have arisen from this Now, sir, let me inquire, during the existence very extensive trade, is completely destroyed by of the present state of things, whence we are to the embargo; it is a total loss to the country, that derive our revenue? A consideration certainly can never be recovered. In the same report it ap- of no small importance to a Government dependpears that the goods, wares, and merchandise, of ing entirely for her revenue upon commerce. Our domestic growth and manufacture, the actual commerce is entirely at an end, and of course our produce of our own country, exported from the revenue; by the way, another loss to the nation United States, in the same year, amounted to of at least fifteen millions of dollars annually by $48,699,592. The whole commercial profits and the embargo. This, I know, cannot be felt during national wealth that would have arisen from the the present year, because our Treasury is overexportation and proceeds of this immensely valu- flowing with the proceeds of the last. But, from ble produce is for the present lost to the country, what sources are you to obtain money next year, and a large portion of the merchandise, the pro- for the support of Government, and the payment duce itself, must be forever lost if the embargo be of the national debt? Are gentlemen ready to long continued. All, or nearly all, the product of resort to a direct tax? No, sir; they love place the fisheries, amounting to $2,804,000, as likewise and power too well. That was once done for the the agricultural produce of the country, a few purpose of raising money, I believe, to defend articles, such as tobacco, cotton, rice, &c., except-commerce, and the people on that occasion taught ed, which I have not included in this estimate, their servants a lesson that, I presume, will not be amounting to $18,521,000, making in the whole shortly forgotten. The President, I know, in his twenty-one millions four hundred and twenty-five late Message, has given a favorable account of thousand dollars, that must be forever lost to the the present state of the Treasury; and most kindly fisherman, the farmer, or the merchant, because indeed expresses much concern as to the best use they are articles of a perishable kind, such as fish, to be made of the surplus revenue of the next year. wheat, flour, Indian meal, flaxseed, beef, pork, &c., Sir, among all the cares and troubles of his sucthat will not admit of being kept on hand for cessor, I venture to predict this will not be one of market. So that, if the embargo be now contin- them; he will not be plagued with surplus reveued, the country in fact may be said already to nue next year. Mr. Jefferson's overweening anxhave sustained a clear loss, in her native produce iety for the public good must have blinded him to only, of more than twenty-one million of dollars the obvious fact, that, before he can be well warm by the measure, besides the duties that would have in his seat at Monticello, the revenue now bonded arisen from near a million and a half of tonnage for will be collected, and as, in consequence of the now idle in our docks, and the immense expense present abandonment of commerce, there will cer of large detachments of militia, regular troops, tainly be no other bonds to become due, it follows and a fleet of gunboats to enforce the laws. And necessarily, in the course of your annual expendso obnoxious are those laws, that, although to en-itures, that, by the next meeting of Congress, your force their execution, we have blockaded our own ports, and hung our own citizens, they are still openly resisted by force, and seriously endanger the domestic tranquillity of the country. But, sir, it is to be observed that the actual loss sustained during the embargo, is not the only evil arising from it; another more permanent is to be apprehended. It will have the effect of throwing the commerce of the world into other and different channels; of inducing foreign nations to seek in other countries what they have heretofore been in the habit of purchasing from us, and what we now deny them. In the single article of cotton, for instance, we now, or did, export more than fourteen million of dollars' worth annually, and principally supplied the British manufactories with this article; but it is well known that the soil and climate of the Brazils are equally congenial to the growth of this crop with our own, and with due attention to the cultivation of it, is capable of supplying abundantly all the manufacto

Treasury must be empty; so that, instead of being troubled with surplus revenue, it will require all the fiscal talents of the next incumbent of the Palace, be him whom he may, to provide the sum essential for the support of Government.

The gentlemen who advocate this-I do not know what to call it-terrapin policy; I beg pardon, sir-when driven from every other hold, invariably launch into futurity, and tell us that, if we dare to put out our heads in any part of this wide world, we shall get them broke; or, in other words, if we take off the embargo, we shall have war. Laying out of view any comparison between the probable expense of war, and the actual loss annually sustained by the embargo, the former hearing no comparison with the latter, let us examine, for a moment, what foundation there is for this assertion, and whether we might not at this time, even admitting the British Orders of Council to have their full operation, carry on safely a most extensive and valuable commerce

no man who holds more indignantly than I do, those French Decrees and British Orders; but, before my God, I do most religiously believe that the embargo is a thousand times more injurious to our country than they both could be rendered. Instead of availing ourselves of the immensely extensive and valuable commerce now open to us, with at least three-fourths of the commercial world, it has now become a great favor, if we can be permitted, by the President and his gunboats, to sneak along shore, from one of our ports to another, with as much flour and pork as we can eat on the passage.

NOVEMBER, 1808.

adopt; there is marked a safe, a high, and an honorable course, that, if pursued, without, I believe, endangering our peace, would add alike to our national character and our national wealth.

It has been well observed by the gentleman from Virginia (Mr. GILES) that it was time we had become a nation, that we were nationalized. The sentiment was worthy of that gentleman, and one to which I entirely subscribed. But is the system of which this measure is apprehended by many to be but the commencement, calculated to nationalize? No, sir; much better calculated, I fear, to estrange the extremes of the Union Sir, this is the next commercial country in the from each other, and to familiarize our ideas world to England; we are, in fact, in this respect, to an event, that I deem it almost treason to their only competitors, and while, as at present, think of, and that every honorable and patriotic they have an opportunity of monopolizing all the American must view as the most calamitous commerce of the world, do you believe they will curse that could be forced upon this country. I ever ask you to take off the embargo laws? No, beseech gentlemen, therefore, to beware how they sir. This would be an act of madness in them, press this system too far. There is a section, a equal almost to our continuing them. They do very respectable and powerful section of this not wish to meet upon the ocean again their in-country, that, with commerce, is rich and happy; dustrious and enterprising rivals. They are, no deprived of that commerce a large portion of its doubt, pleased to see us shackling and crippling population must starve. That population expect, ourselves. and, as a portion of the community, have a right Much has been said by the gentleman from to expect, that their only means of subsistence Maryland (Mr. SMITH) on the subject of tribute, will be fostered and defended, and not sacrificed and in a manner I do not well understand, unless to manufacturing whims or local prejudices. I it be to retort upon the gentleman his own lan- do not mean to intimate that the embargo grew guage, ad captandum. I wish it, however, to be out of either of these causes; but the continudistinctly understood, that no part of the com- ance of it at present, under existing circumstanmerce, I have undertaken to show the United ces, after the galling experience we have had, and States might now carry on, would be subject to when it can obviously produce nothing but dis any tribute. I wish it to be further understood, tress and embarrassment to ourselves, may engensir, that I would not only see this country clad in der and nurture jealousies that, perhaps, time homespun, but covered in sackcloth and ashes, will not allay. I believe the people of this coun rather than that she should consent to pay tribute. try will submit to any privations for the public I would see every commercial city upon our good, but they must first be convinced that the shores, and every rag of canvass we hold in public good requires the sacrifice. It must, it will flames. I would see our soil smoking with the astonish every unprejudiced and reflecting man best blood of its inhabitants, and the bones of our in the community, if this ruinous measure be percitizens mingled with the ashes of their dwell-sisted in, after the experience we have received, ings, rather than see this people submit to pay tribute to any nation on earth. I trust there is not in either House a member who would not sooner risk his life, and spill his blood, than give a vote that should reduce his country to a condition so slavish and degrading. And I hope, Mr. President, that no insinuation has or will be made here calculated even to intimate an idea that the gentlemen of this body who may vote for the repeal of the embargo laws, would subject this nation to tribute. Such an insinuation would not only be unfounded, illiberal, and derogatory of this floor, but, in other respects, highly unjustifiable.

It has been asked by the gentleman from Kentucky, why do not those who oppose the embargo propose some substitute? Certainly it cannot be expected of us to offer ourselves as the pioneers of this Administration; but, in reply to the question, I will refer gentlemen to a confidential letter, submitted to the Senate a few days past: gentlemen need not be alarmed, I am not going to tell what that letter contains. If any substitute be necessary, in that is pointed out the one I would!

and when we have before us the most conclusive and irresistible evidence to show that it is utterly inadequate to the accomplishment of any of the objects for which it was said to be intended. And conduct that cannot be accounted for on any reasonable ground, is apt, however unjustly, to be attributed to unworthy motives. I trust, therefore, that gentlemen, on their own accounts, will not reject this resolution; that they will, at least, first deliberate and look to consequences; that they will feel well the public pulse before, by this rash prescription, they stagnate the national blood.

Mr. MOORE said he was not a little surprised to hear insinuations of the disaffection of any portion of the people of the United States; but the Senate was now called upon to beware how they drove the people of the Eastern States to rebellion. The Councils of the United States were not to be inflamed by these suggestions; he could not believe them to be well founded; he could not believe that the citizens who, in our Revolu tion, exhibited such incontestable marks of patriotism, under the privations which the peculiar