!

Two of these schools are coeducational. Private secondary schools for girls are numerous, there being 120 of these, having altogether 13,000 pupils, and all with two exceptions having come into existence since the middle of the last century; 5 prepare for the university entrance examination, taken now yearly by 50 or more girls.

Sweden has two State universities, coming under the ecclesiastical department, and established at Upsala (in 1477) and Lund (in 1668), respectively, both of these places being country towns, as is the case with the two chief university seats in England. Details regarding the government, organization, students, etc., of these universities are given on pages 790-793. It may be noted here that each has four faculties, namely, theology, law, medicine, and philosophy, the latter being divided into the section of humanistics and that of mathematics and natural sciences. The rector is elected by the consistory of professors for 2 years from among the professors in ordinary; the latter are appointed by the Government from among the candidates who present themselves on public notice of vacancy being given, after due consideration of their respective merits and recommendation by the faculty concerned, consistory, and chancellor; or, in case of an eminent scientific man, the appointment may be offered directly without competition. The courses of study are unusually long, 6 to 8 years being required for the degree of licentiate of philosophy, 7 for candidate's degree in law, 9 for same in theology, and 11 for licentiate's degree in medicine; this abnormal length of time results in part from the nonpractical arrangements in regard to teaching, for which a remedy is now being sought by a royal committee.

Besides the two Swedish state universities there are two classed as private, though subject to a measure of Government control; these are the universities of Stockholm (1878) and Gottenborg (1891).

Sweden occupies advanced ground with regard to the education. of defective and neglected children. The instruction of the deaf and blind is made obligatory upon the local authorities, as is the case in a few of the States in our own country. The Swedish schools for the deaf are establishments upon a large scale, counting as a rule 100 pupils or more, with newly erected and costly buildings. An institution at Venersborg for blind deaf-mutes is said to be the only one of its kind in the world. It has now 14 pupils, of whom only 6, however, are blind deaf-mutes. Liberal provision is made for feeble-minded children, there being 36 institutions for this class, though not all are schools; a normal school for teachers of feebleminded children is conducted at Stockholm.

The work and influence of Hampton (Chapter VI, pp. 559-579).-At a meeting held at New York in February, 1904, under the direction of the Armstrong Association, addresses were made by a number of

prominent men in which the educational needs of the South, especially as related to the elevation of the colored race, were considered from various standpoints.

A letter from ex-President Cleveland was read, in which he referred to the general agreement as to the necessity of a better equipment of the negro population for self-support and usefulness and the obligation. upon patriotic citizens to encourage institutions having this object in view, and which had proved their merit by their results. Mr. Andrew Carnegie, the chairman of the meeting, in his address dwelt upon the menace to the state of an ignorant voting population. It is only through education in its widest sense, he said, that the backward elements of society can become properly qualified to have a voice in the government, and an educational test for the suffrage should be adopted and strictly applied to black and white alike.

President Eliot of Harvard spoke of the necessity of the "prompt formation of a sound public opinion about the right treatment of backward races," and asserted that Hampton possessed the keyword to the situation, viz, education and productive labor. He discussed at some length the chief points of resemblance and of difference between northern and southern opinion regarding the negro. The two sections, in his view, are agreed in regard to keeping the two races pure, as well as in having separate schools wherever the colored children are sufficiently numerous to justify it, while the northern whites are even more averse than the southern whites to coming into personal contact with the negro. On the other hand, in the North the idea of political equality does not carry with it that of social equality, as seems to be apprehended in the South. Moreover, while public opinion at the North is in favor of giving the negro good opportunities for education of every grade, in the South diverse views are held on the subject. Some southern whites think that any kind or degree of education whatever works an injury to the negro; others think he should be educated, but only for manual occupations, while still others recognize the need of negro professional men with an adequate equipment. The same dread of an ignorant and corruptible suffrage exists in the North and in the South, but in the North a remedy is sought through the medium of universal education. In regard to the value of the peculiar type of education which characterizes Hampton, i. e., education through manual training and labor at trades and crafts, there is coming to be a striking agreement between northern and southern opinion, as is witnessed by the rapid introduction of such features during recent years into urban school systems in the North.

President Eliot asserts that there is a growing appreciation in the North of the peculiar difficulties attending the solution of the educa

tional problem in the South, and an increasing disposition to approve of some constitutionally devised means of national aid, since the National Government contributed in a degree by its action to the existing state of affairs. The northern whites "would like to see a way found for the National Government to spend as much money on solving the southern negro problem as it has been spending for six years past on the Philippine problem."

Doctor Frissell, the principal of Hampton, spoke of Hampton's methods and results. The idea of labor is the underlying motive. All education there is to fit the student to work. The young are taught how to live and labor. The academic work is subsidiary. This kind of training, in Doctor Frissell's view, has three results: It forms character, it produces economic independence, and it develops an adequate degree of intelligence; he refers to the records of living graduates for confirmation of his views, and cites particular instances to show the influence they have had throughout the South in stimulating and uplifting the negro race. "Every negro school in the South is crowded to-day." The missionary activities of one graduate have so transformed conditions in tidewater Virginia that in 33 counties more than 70 per cent of the negro farmers own and manage their land. Near Portsmouth, Va., is a model negro settlement, built up through the efforts of a former Hampton student, which numbers 300 colored residents, and where "there has never been an arrest, nor has there been a saloon in the town."

The address of Dr. Booker T. Washington (pp. 573-579) was devoted mainly to throwing light on the question whether the colored race is responding to the efforts that have been made to place it upon a higher plane of civilization. He stated that the negroes have come to have aspirations; that their minds have been awakened and strengthened; they want land and houses, churches, books, and papers. The percentage of colored illiteracy is being rapidly reduced each succeeding decade, as shown by the Federal census. Contrary to the idea generally entertained, the colored people contribute largely to their own education. The State superintendent of Florida says, and adduces figures to show, that "the education of the negroes of middle Florida does not cost the white people of that section one cent." In Mississippi, also, they are said by an eminent authority to be paying in a large measure for their own education. The present opportunities for education, however, are very inadequate, owing to lack of funds; but whatever has been expended has been well repaid, not a single graduate of Hampton or Tuskegee, for instance, can be found in any jail or State penitentiary. Statistics are quoted and other evidence to disprove the unwarranted assertion that the negro grows in crime as education increases. Joel Chandler Harris is authority

for the statement that "the overwhelming majority of the negroes in all parts of the South, especially in the agricultural regions, are leading sober and industrious lives."

Sometime since Doctor Washington sent out letters to representative southern men asking them for their opinion, as the result of their own observation, on various points relating to the progress and position of the negro. One hundred and thirty-six replies were received, a summary of which is given on pages 576-577. The near approach to unanimity exhibited by these replies in regard to most of the matters that were made the subject of inquiry would seem to indicate a general belief among the Southern people that education had improved the morals of the negro and made him more valuable as a citizen, as a workman, and as a business man. Moreover, there is in these replies but little trace to be seen of the existence of any wide-extended prejudice against his acquiring property or against employing him as a skilled workman. The conviction is forced upon one examining the grouping of the answers to the several questions that active opposition in the South to the negro's advancement must be of insignificant proportions if these answers reflect in any adequate degree the attitude of the public mind in the matter.

Temperance instruction in public schools. Chapter VII (pp. 581-632) contains a number of documents illustrative of the present position of instruction in the effects of alcoholic drinks and narcotics. On pages 581-588 the revised law (1901) of Connecticut is given, together with a statement of a committee appointed by the Connecticut Council of Education. The enactment of this law was secured by the joint action of the school people and the temperance people of Connecticut, probably, the committee says, the first instance of such cooperation in any State in support of a temperance educational bill. The new statute differs from the old one in not prescribing temperance instruction below the fourth grade nor in the high school; in not requiring the use of text-books below the sixth grade, and in not requiring any text-books to devote a definite space to this instruction.

Following this is a report by the New York State Central Committee on Scientific Instruction as to the results of the study of physiology and hygiene, being a reply to the State Science Teachers' Association. The central committee sought for their information as to the effects of this study upon the children of the State through the medium of inquiries addressed to their parents and to patrons of the schools. Numerous extracts from the replies received by the committee are given, which go to show that "there is a growth of widespread intelligent practice of general hygiene resulting from this study," and that it is "strengthening the children to resist temptation to use" alcoholic drinks and tobacco, and is "helping them and their parents to abandon such use when already begun."

Some months since a French economist, F. Dupré La Tour, paid a visit to the United States for the purpose of making a study of the various methods employed here for combatting the evils resulting from the abuse of alcoholic drinks. The results of his investigations were embodied in a paper published in the Musée Social, a translation of which is given on pages 602–625 of this report. While his observations were intended primarily for the instruction of his own countrymen, they are not without their value to us in enabling us to see what in our aims or methods particularly impressed an intelligent French observer, or induced comparison with conditions existing in France. Coming from a country where the activities of such temperance societies as exist are limited to the promotion of temperance in its literal sense, and where, indeed, the president of one of the principal ones is himself a wine merchant, he could not but be impressed with the radical character of the views held and methods advocated by temperance reformers in the United States. The total abstinence from alcoholic beverages on the part of the individual and the complete suppression of the liquor traffic are root-and-branch measures which have almost no counterpart in France. The difference in the attitude of the people of the two countries Mr. La Tour attributes to the greater abuse of alcoholic drinks in the United States, which calls for extreme remedial measures, and which is due to racial, climatic, dietary, and other conditions, and to social customs, all of which result in making the United States what he calls a country favorable to alcoholism.

The different agencies and influences for saving people from falling into the drink habit and rescuing those who have become victims to it are considered in turn by Mr. La Tour, including the work of the religious denominations, the temperance societies (notably the Women's Christian Temperance Union), temperance instruction in the schools, the demand for abstinence from alcoholic drinks made upon employees by railroad corporations and other employers, the action of trades unions, the stand taken by life-insurance companies and the force of public opinion. The law for the instruction of publicschool pupils in temperance is considered a "most excellent" instrumentality, but the question is raised whether it is not presuming too much on the patience of the pupils to compel them to listen eight years in succession to the same teaching, as the text-books of the series "vary very little;" also they give to the pupils "ideas of physiology which are a little exaggerated."

In taking up the different measures for suppressing or restricting the liquor traffic, Mr. La Tour discusses prohibition, the license system, local option, and the State dispensary system. The question of the saloon in politics also engages his attention. IIe displays throughout a keen insight into and a ready grasp of the conditions