maddened ambition dare not grasp, save at the peril and shipwreck of the hopes of its unfortunate victim, Adams, as if dazzled by the height of his station, fell a just martyr to his passions, illustrating to the letter, the remark of that keen observer of events and men, Dr. Franklin, who said, speaking of Adams,-"I am persuaded that he means well for his country, is always an honest man, often a wise one; but sometimes and in some things absolutely out of his senses."

After Adams retired from the Presidency, he lived a quiet and unexcited life; interesting himself only as a passive observer of political events, and dispensing the elegant hospitalities of his mansion to the frequent visits of distinguished and learned men, occasionally enlivened by visits from his enlightened son, whom he lived to see elevated to the Presidency. His last public engagement was in the year 1820, as member of the State convention to revise the constitution of Massachusetts. On the 4th of July, 1826, John Adams expired, full of years and clothed in the honors of a life given to the most difficult and exalted service of his country. The fiftieth anniversary of that independence he had struggled with a masterly spirit to establish, lavished alike upon Adams and Jefferson a portion of that honor as their funeral rite which the freemen of America were then offering up as a nation's gratitude for the consummation of their labors and their hopes.

Mr. Webster relates a characteristic remark of John Adams, upon whom he called the day he delivered his celebrated speech upon the laying of the corner-stone of the Bunker Hill Monument; when, inquiring after the old man's health, he remarked, "I am not well; I inhabit a weak, frail, decayed tenement, battered by the winds and broken in upon by the storms; and, from all I can learn, the landlord does not intend to repair."

A short time before his death, being asked to suggest a toast for the approaching celebration, he replied,—“I will give you independence forever." John Adams was of middle stature, inclined to corpulency. He was of an excitable temperament, with an uncompromising will, which often carried him to improper lengths, even beyond the reach of palliation; yet he was of pure morality, and a firm believer in the Christian religion. In contemplating his patriotism, his untiring zeal and devotion to what he considered his coun

try's interest, posterity may be inclined to say-"his were virtues that excused his faults."

1796.

After the adjournment of Congress, the third election of President engaged and excited the interest and attention of the citizens of the United States. The two great parties of the country were now, for the first time, openly arrayed against each other. The one under the banner of Federalism; the other under the folds of that name which, though then humble, was destined to wave in triumph throughout this Union. By the Federalists John Adams and Thomas Pinckney were supported as President and VicePresident. The strength of the Republican party was exerted in behalf of Thomas Jefferson for President; but the party was divided in reference to a Vice-President. Each elector voted for two persons. The electoral votes amounted to 138, and were divided as follows:-John Adams, 71; Thomas Jefferson, 68; Thomas Pinckney, 59; Aaron Burr, 30; Samuel Adams, 15; Oliver Ellsworth, 11; George Clinton, 7; John Jay, 5; James Iredell, 3; George Washington, 2; J. Henry, 2; S. Johnson, 2; Charles C. Pinckney, 1.

John Adams and Thomas Jefferson were therefore clected; the first President, the latter Vice-President, for four years from the fourth of March, 1797; on which day John Adams and Jefferson took their respective oaths of office in the presence of the heads of departments, many members of Congress, foreign ministers, and a large assemblage of people; John Adams having, before taking the oath, which was administered by Chief-Justice Ellsworth, delivered his Inaugural Address. He was attired for the occasion in a full suit of pearl broadcloth, with powdered hair, and being in his sixtythird year, presented a dignified and venerable appearance.

The President continued in office the same cabinet which Washington had left, namely:-Timothy Pickering, Secretary of State; Oliver Wolcott, Secretary of the Treasury; James McHenry, Secretary of War, and Charles Lee, AttorneyGeneral. They were all of the Federal school. There was no Navy Department; this bureau was not established until 1798, which office was first occupied by Benjamin Stoddard, of Maryland-being first offered to George Cabot, of Massachusetts.

After making such appointments as the President thought necessary, Congress having adjourned, the first step of importance taken by John Adams was the assembling of Con

1797.

gress in special session, May 15th, 1797. The object in calling Congress together, as appeared by the Message of the President of May 16th, 1797, was to take into consideration and advise upon the vexed and yet unsettled questions between the United States and France. France had refused to receive our Minister; and the difficulties which beset the administration of Washington accumulated on the hands of John Adams. After a recapitulation in this Message of the manner exhibited towards us by France, the President speaks plainly to Congress in reference to the position this country must occupy. "Such attempts," says he, "ought to be repelled with a decision that shall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humbled under a Colonial spirit of fear and a sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest. I should have been happy to have thrown a veil over these transactions, if it had been possible to conceal them; but they have passed on the great theatre of the world, in the face of all Europe and America, and with such circumstances of publicity and solemnity, that they cannot be disguised, and will not soon be forgotten." It was the anxious desire of the President, whilst he was determined to uphold and defend the dignity of the United States, to settle amicably the difficulties that existed; he informs Congress of his intention to make another effort at negotiation. In this Message he recommends the navy to the attention of Congress, as well as a revision of the laws concerning the arming and equipping of our militia. There was a decided Federal majority in each branch of the National Legislature; Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, was re-elected Speaker of the House of Representatives. Each House approved the course of the President, though a small minority were anxious to cut short all negotiation and defend at all lengths the honor of the country. A majority in Congress, as well as the Administration, being desirous of promoting and maintaining a neutral position in reference to European affairs, passed a law in June, 1797, to prevent American citizens from fitting out or employing privateers against nations at peace with the United States.

At this special session Congress provided a limited and small naval force, which was not satisfactory to the Presi dent. In order to provide means for the extra expenses to be

incurred on account of our national defence, duties were imposed on stamped paper and parchment. An additional duty was laid on salt, with a drawback allowed on salted provisions and pickled fish exported. The President, in pursuance of his cherished intention to adjust the difficulty between this country and France, appointed, with the advice and consent of the Senate, Charles Catesworth Pinckney, Elbridge Gerry, and John Marshall, Envoys to that Republic, with plenary powers. These gentlemen met at Paris in October, 1797, with great anxiety to execute their commission. The scenes which followed, and the circumstances which attended this attempt at negotiation, justly excited the indignation of every patriotic American citizen. It being my purpose to treat of the difficulties of the French question continuously, a further discussion of them is now dispensed with.

The second session of the Fifth Congress as- Nov. 13, sembled in November, 1797, (the first session was a 1797. special one held in June.) The country presented to the consideration of Congress a critical condition, especially in connection with European affairs; our own diplomatic relations with France, as well as the neutral policy which justice and prudence demanded at our hands in reference to the turbulent and agitated affairs of Europe, were questions of great moment. The commerce of the country, though small, was yet a source of profit to our merchants and revenue to the Government; laws were passed for its protection and the maintenance of neutrality. In order to prepare for invasion, our sea-coast was protected by appropriations for fortifying Boston, Newport, New York, Baltimore, Norfolk, Charleston, and Savannah. The land and naval forces were increased, and a direct tax laid on real estate, for the purpose of meeting the increased expenditure of the Government. A law of Congress at this time was also passed, authorizing the negotiation of a loan, which was obtained at eight per cent. majority of Congress rested under the apprehension that the French, overjoyed and bewildered even to madness by the success of their arms in Europe, might attempt to unfurl their victorious banner upon the shores of America. They had committed repeated depredations upon our commerce; decrees had issued from the Directory, authorizing the seizure of every American vessel having on board British products or goods, or sailing from British ports. Under these aggravations an indignant Congress, reflect

June, 1798.

A

ing the feelings of an outraged people, passed an act suspending all commercial relations between the United States and France and her possessions. Merchant-vessels were authorized to be armed by their owners, which saved our little commerce from much depredation. In May previous, provision had been made by our National Legislature, creating the office of Secretary of the Navy. The office, which should have been established at an earlier day, was rendered more necessary now on account of the increase of our navy. George Cabot was first appointed Secretary; but he declined, and Benjamin Stoddart, of Maryland, was soon afterwards appointed.

At this session of Congress a regular and permanent army was ordered to be raised, which assumed the name of the Provisional Army. The administration of John Adams was at this time very popular. The army was soon raised, and the President was likewise authorized to raise, arm, and equip twelve regiments of infantry, and to build or purchase or hire twelve vessels with twenty guns each, as an additional support to our young navy.* These measures were warmly opposed by the Democratic party then in Congress; they constituted the opposition to Mr. Adams, and so great was the opposition that the army bill passed by a small majority. A large majority of the people, who continued firm and devoted to the Administration, sustained with enthusiastic zeal this patriotic effort of the President. The young men of the country, still fired by the spirit of the Revolution, and with a confident reliance upon the justness of their cause, rallied around the flagstaff of the Republic, and the army was soon organized. Robert Treat Paine wrote, at this time, the Marseillaise hymn of America, the celebrated and popular song of "Adams and Liberty." He and others delivered patriotic addresses over the country, and the President received letters animated by the warmest patriotism and burning with indignation towards France. The next step to be taken was to appoint and commission the officers of this army; a chief commander was to be appointed. Mr. Adams had never, in the course of his administration, a higher or more responsible duty to perform; yet he hesitated not. George Washington was yet alive, to whom it was tendered. He was then old; had served his country in youth, in manhood, and in age, and

* Acts of Congress, 1797; 8 Bradford; Stat. Man.