it was doubtful if he would accept. When the appointment was made, though full of honor and surrounded by those endearing domestic pleasures he so anxiously looked to and long had sought, he accepted the office of Lieutenant-General and Commander-in-chief. The same patriotism that warmed his bosom in 1775, the same love of country that urged him to accept the toilsome duties of Chief Magistrate in 1789, animated the veteran hero and statesman in 1798. Washington consented to take command on condition that his services should not be immediately required, and that no expense should be incurred, except for his table and household, while in service. The event did not arrive which was to require Washington to take the field; in the course of the ensuing year a treaty was negotiated with France, which adjusted the unhappy difference between that country and the United States. The army was regularly officered, however, and in a short time. could have been ordered to take active defence of the nation. General Hamilton, of New York, was the immediate commander, and next in rank to Washington; whilst the other principal military officers were C. C. Pinckney, of South Carolina, H. Knox, of Massachusetts, W. Washington, of South Carolina, John Dayton, of New Jersey, Ebenezer Huntington, of Connecticut, W. R. Davie, of North Carolina, A. W. White, of New Jersey, John Sevier, of Tennessee, and W. North, of New York. 1798. The second session of the Fifth Congress was remarkable towards its close for the passage of two acts which have been engraven deeply upon the minds of the people of the United States, and serve to mark as an epoch in history, the setting sun of John Adams. On the 25th of June the Alien Law was passed. On the 14th of July Congress passed an act, entitled "An act in addition to an act entitled 'An act for the punishment of certain crimes against the United States.' This latter act especially drew forth the indignation of the people, jealous of those rights which had cost so much toil and money and blood; this was the Sedition Law, the history of which I shall notice at another time. These were the last important acts of that memorable Congress, which adjourned on the 26th of July, 1798. The election for members of the Sixth Congress had resulted in favor of the Administration. Upon the assembling of Congress in December, Theodore 1799. Sedgwick, of Massachusetts, an able and distinguished member of the Federal party, was elected Speaker. The President delivered his third Annual Address; it was highly gratulatory to Congress upon the great prosperity that then visited the country; "the flattering prospects of abundance from the labors of the people by land and sea; the prosperity of our extended commerce, notwithstanding interruptions occasioned by a belligerent state of the world." The answers of the two Houses to the President's speech, expressed their satisfaction in reference to the course he had pursued. On the 18th of December the melancholy intelligence of the death of General Washington was received. It was announced to the House of Representatives by John Marshall, of Virginia. Not only were the Senate chamber and Representative hall clothed in the sad habiliments of sorrow, but a deeper feeling of grief was manifested by the saddened heart of a sorrow-stricken nation, at whose birth Washington had stood as godfather, and whose progress had constantly felt his sustaining hand and encouraging voice. At this session of Congress, which continued until the 14th of May, 1800, but little passed to deserve the remembrance of history. A bankrupt act was enacted, as well as additional acts for the defence of the country and the protection of commerce. As has been stated, Mr. Adams appointed three Commissioners to proceed at once to Paris for the purpose of negotiating a treaty with the French. Napoleon was then first Consul, who, upon the arrival of the American Commissioners, immediately appointed three others to negotiate with them, of whom his brother Joseph was one. The United States were represented by William Vans Murray, Oliver Ellsworth, and William R. Davie, Governor of North Carolina. A treaty was agreed upon by the French Government in October, 1800; it was conditionally ratified by the Senate and President of the United States. The President was willing to ratify as originally approved by the Commissioners, so anxious was he to secure the treaty, and deeming the two articles which the Senate objected to as not sufficient to delay the treaty, especially when from the fickle character of the French people delay might amount to defeat; yet he yielded, and sent it back with only a conditional ratification. The treaty was approved and ratified, with the exception of two articles, by Mr. Adams in 1800. Mr. Jefferson afterwards ratified these articles,-Mr. Vans Murray and Mr. Dawson, of Virginia, being appointed for that purpose. The treaty related chiefly to the compensation the French Government should make for depredations on the commerce of the United States. Many objected to it as giving insufficient indemnity, especially for recent depredations. Our diplomatic relations with the French Government during the latter part of General Washington's administration and the administration of Mr. Adams, while they are to a great degree interesting, are enveloped in much mystery and obscurity; yet enough is known to ascertain the exact bearing of French diplomacy during a greater portion of the period alluded to, as well as the wisdom, purity, and firmness of the American Government, and those employed at home and abroad to conduct the negotiations. It was this question, which threw the country upon the very verge of war with France, and occasioned a degree of excitement and party feeling which not only vented its spleen, and in a measure shook the administration of John Adams, but even brought forth the malignity of party spirit upon the administration of George Washington. In the first Administration, marked as it always was by wisdom and purity, George Washington pursued a strict neutrality, and thus always advised in reference to the difficulties and wars that beset Europe at that period, and in which France was more interested and involved than any other nation. This policy offended France, who, unmindful of the peculiar character of the Government of the United States, as well as the relations then existing between this country and Great Britain, thought it the duty of our Government to befriend and sustain them in their perplexed and intricate relations with nearly all Europe. Often was the administration of Washington besought upon this point by the French Government. Earnest appeals were made which enlisted the sympathy of a large party in this country, especially those who had fought side by side with the valiant French soldiers who had assisted us in our late struggle for independence. In 1793 citizen Genet arrived in this country as Minister from the French Republic. The spirit of jealousy which he imbibed from his own Government towards the United States, professing, as did his Government, to think that the United States were befriending the English in their difficulties with the French Republic, induced him to make many extravagant speeches, as well as to be guilty of the most improper and violent conduct. He endeavored to involve us in war with Great Britain, which was doubtless the wish of France, for the twofold purpose of gratifying its spleen towards us and increasing the embarassments of the English Government.* Among the many interferences of Genet, the most offensive was his issuing commissions to vessels of war to sail from American ports and cruise against the enemies of France. The President immediately issued his celebrated Proclamation of Neutrality, April 18th, 1793, which has been a guide and example to this nation ever since. The French Minister, exasperated by this last decided public official act of Washington in reference to France, threatened to appeal to the people, and throw his cause upon the sympathy of those who yet remembered with fond gratitude the land of La Fayette and those brave Frenchmen who periled their every hope for America. He is said to have introduced into the United States the Democratic 1793. societies which were formed about this period, after the manner of the Jacobin clubs of Paris. He had many disputes with General Washington, which, in connection with his entire conduct in this country, induced our Government to require his recall, which was promptly done. During the continuation of Washington's administration, the diplomatic relations between the United States and France were entirely unadjusted. Upon the election of John Adams, they received his earliest and most assiduous attention. Monroe was recalled in 1796, on the groundless charge of delaying, or partially presenting certain statements and explanations which he was desired by the President to make to the French Government. It was supposed by many, who yet accorded to Monroe distinguished diplomatic talent and patriotism, that he was influenced by an irrepressible sympathy for the effort of the French nation to adopt the republican standard. The written history of the times fully sets forth the many depredations committed upon our commerce. The French Government had expelled our Minister, C. C. Pínckney, from their territory, with new orders for further depredations upon our commerce. In consideration of these indignities, John May, 15, Adams assembled Congress in special session; he communicated the condition of affairs between the 1797. * Stat. Man., vol. i. 84. two countries, and enumerated many causes of complaint; the constant depredations upon American commerce, the refusal to treat or negotiate concerning them, or to exhibit even common courtesy to our diplomatic agents.* Our Minister had been ordered to leave the territory of France, and threatened with the civil law, if he did not leave at once: these were great and alarming indignities. Yet the speech of the President of the Republic, in the language of the Message of John Adams, disclosed "sentiments more alarming than the refusal of a Minister, because more dangerous to our independence and union, and at the same time studiously marked with indignities towards the Government of the United States. It evinces a disposition to separate the people of the United States from the Government; to pursuade them that they have different affections, principles, and interest, from those of their fellow-citizens, whom they themselves have chosen to manage their common concerns, and thus to produce divisions fatal to our peace. Such attempts ought to be repelled with a decision that shall convince France and the world that we are not a degraded people, humbled under a Colonial spirit of fear and sense of inferiority, fitted to be the miserable instruments of foreign influence, and regardless of national honor, character, and interest." This paper sustains the ground of neutrality pursued by the preceding Administration, with a renewal of the determination of the Government not to involve itself in the vortex of the European political system. The sentiments of this paper were promptly sustained by both branches of the National Legislature. Whilst the President and Congress took the high and decided stand they did, no intemperance marked their proceedings, and the door might still be open for further negotiations. In conformity to his declaration of making further effort to sustain amicable relations and remove the difficulties that beset our intercourse with France, the President, with the consent of the Senate, appointed three distinguished citizens, C. C. Pinckney, who was re-appointed, Elbridge Gerry, and John Marshall,-as Envoys, for the purpose of maintaining amicable relations with France, if "compatible with the rights, duties, interests, and honor of the American people." They were instructed "to seek peace and reconciliation by all means not incompatible with the honor and * Adams's Special Message, May 16th, 1797. † Bradford, 94. |